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ALMON DANFORTH HODGES 
AND HIS NEIGHBORS. 



One Hundred Copies Printed for Presentation only, 
of which this is no. ^ '% 



Please acknowledge receipt to 

ALMON D. HODGES, Jr., 

S Park Street, 

Boston, Mass. 



Almon Danforth Hodges 



AND HIS NEIGHBORS. 



AN AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 



TYPICAL OLD NEW ENGLANDER. 



EDITED BY 

ALMON D. HODGES, Jr. 

PKESENTED BY 

AMOKY G. HODGES AND ALMON D. HODGES, Jr. 



BOSTON, MASS. 

PRIVATELY PRINTED. 

1909. 



^ 



^ 



-KiO^ 



A^V.. 



I: .< 




IVho is the honest man? 
He that doth still and strongly good pursue. 
To God, his neighbour, and himself most true ; 

Whom neither force nor fawning can 
Unpinne, or wrench from giving all their due. 

Whose honestie is not 
So loose or easie, that a ruffling winde 
Can blow away, or glittering looke it blinde ; 

Who rides his sure and even trot. 
While the world now rides by, now lags behinde. 

Who, when great trials come, 
Nor seeks nor shunnes them, but doth calmly stay 
Till he the thing and the example weigh ; 

All being brought into a summe. 
What place or person calls for, he doth pay. 

Whom none can work or wooe 
To use in any thing a trick or sleight. 
For above all things he abhorres deceit ; 

His words and works, and fashion too, 
All of a piece, and all are clear e and straight. 

George Herbert. 



CONTENTS. 



The Old New Englanders 13 

New England Ancestry . . 19 

Norton in 1801 29 

An Old New Englander Clothier 48 

The Home of a Norton " Gentleman " . . . . 57 

The Old Country School 64 

A Country Child's Every-day Life .... 73 

Apprentice Days 84 

Business Life in Providence 116 

Social Life in Providence 144 

Military Service in Ehode Island 165 

The Dorr War 175 

Family Life in Providence 211 

Six Changing Years, 1845-1850 226 

The Washington Bank of Boston 245 

The Re-established Home in Eoxbury . . . .266 

A Dash Through Europe in 85 Days .... 274 

The Civil War Period 289 

The Final Years 301 

Appendices: — 

I. Ledger Accounts of Jonathan Hodges, Jr. . 307 

II. Barter Prices in Norton, 1790-1810 . . 317 

III. Tax Notifications and Warrants . . . 319 

ly. Business and Family Finances . . . 322 

V. Providence Cotillion Parties, 1824-1826 . 324 

VI. Washington Bank Data 330 

Index of Names 337 

Index of Subjects 349 



ILLUSTRATIONS. 



AUTOGKAPHS (fkom Oeiginals owned by the Editok). 

PAGE. 

Adams, J. Q., Letter to Edward Everett, written 1843 ... 28 

Andrew, John A., Governor of Massachusetts, written 1861, 1862, 

1864 294, 295, 297-299 

Avery, John, Secretary of Massachusetts, written 1798 ... 26 

Barnett, Thomas, of Niagara Falls, written 1845 .... 220 
Baylies, H., Collector of Kevenue, written 1799 .... 44 

Bowen, Henry, Secretary of Rhode Island, written 1827, 1828, 1842, 

1844 167-170 

Bullard, Samuel P., Usher of Providence School, written 1818 . 215 
Church, John, Colonel of Rhode Island Militia, written 1825 . 166 
Clarke, Pitt, Pastor of Norton Church opp. 36 

" Thomas, D'pty Sec'y of Mass. Bay Province, written 1758 25 

Donnison, Wm., Adjutant General of Mass., written 1801 . . 27 

Fenner, James, Governor of R. I., 1827, 1828, 1844 . . 167, 168, 170 
Foye, Wm., Treasurer of Mass. Bay Province, written 1747 . . 24 

Frost, Hezekiah, Preceptor of Woodstock Academy, written 1802 266 
Green, John, Orderly Sergeant of Mass. Militia Co., written 1819 102 

Harvey, Thomas, of Norton, written 1704 20 

Hodges, Almon D., written 1864, 1815, 1845, 1862 . . 28, 37, 220, 292 

" Henry, written 1717, 1704 20 

Jonathan, Senior (Clothier), written 1757, 1743, 1758 22, 23, 47 

" Jonathan, Junior (Captain), written 1800, 1814 . . 25, 55 

" Joseph, written 1729 21 

Rufus, written 1814 55 

Joslin, Henry, of Norton, written 1758 46 

King, Samuel Ward, Governor of R. I., written 1842 . . . 169 
Lawrence, Samuel C, Colonel 5th Regt. M. V. M., written 1861 . 294 
Leonard, Ephraim, of Norton, written 1758 25 

" George, Junior, of Norton, written 1758 . . .25, opp. 38 

Mehaffey, C. O., Aide-de-Camp, written 1862 292 

Parker, Samuel H., Colonel of Mass. Militia, written 1822 . . 108 



ILLUSTRATIONS. 



Pownal, Thomas, Governor of Mass. Bay Province, vrritten 175S 
Sharp, James, Company Clerk of Mass. Militia, written 1820 
Stiles, Frederick G., Major 42(1 Kegt. M. V. M., written 1864 
Sumner, Increase, Governor of Mass., written 1798 
Taft, George, Preceptor of Providence School, written 1818 
Walker, Eleazer, of Norton, written about 1810 



Warner, Oliver, Sec'y of Mass., written 1861, 1862, 1864 
Wetherel, John, of Norton, written 1704 
White, Nicholas, of Norton, written 1704 
Williams, Thomas, of Norton, written 1704 



294, 295, 



PARE. 

25 

104 

299 

26 

215 

56 

297-299 

20 

20 

20 



BUILDINGS AND VIEWS. 



Leonard Mansion House, Norton, built before 1700 ... 39 

From Rev. G. F. Clark's Histoi-y of Norton. 

J. D. Williams's Former Residence, the Neck, Washington Street, 

Boston opp. 94 

From photograph owned by Mrs. James B. Case. 

J. D. & M. Williams's Former Store, the Neck, Washington Street, 

Boston opp. 96 

From photograph owned by Mrs. James B. Case. 

Market Square, Providence, in 1844 opp. 118 

From an old woodcut engraved by S. S. Kilburn. 

Union Building, Providence, about 1870. Former Stores of Stim- 

son & Hodges opp. 116 

From photograph loaned by Aaron C. Towne of Providence. 

No. 9 and 11 South Main St., Providence, in 1909. Former Store 

of Stimson & Hodges opp. 122 

From photograph taken Ijy Dr. Charles V. Chapin of Providence. 

Boston it Providence R. R. Station, India Point, Providence, 

about 1840 opp. 128 

Painting by K. C. Ghwhling. From engraving by S. S. Kilburn. 

Dorr Flourishing the Sword in Providence, 1842 .... 184 
Drawing by Thomas A. Iloppin. From Arthur M. Mowrj''s Dorr AVar. 

State Arsenal, Providence, Guard in Upper Room, 1842 . . 185 

Drawing by Thomas A. Hoppin. From Arthur M. Mowry's Dorr War. 

State Arsenal, Providence, The Attack on, in 1842 . . . 187 

Drawing by Thomas A. Hoppin. From Artliur M. Mowry's Dorr War. 

Eddy House, Providence, 1870-80. Former Residence of A. D. 

Hodges opp. 216 

From photograph loaned by James R. Snow of Cranston, R. I. 



ILLUSTRATIONS. 



Whig Mass Meeting, Boston Common, 1844 

Plate loaned by State Street Trust Co., owner of the original print. 

Water Celebration, Boston Common, 1848 .... 

Plate loaned by State Street Trust Co., owner of the original print. 

Washington Bank, Boston, corner Washington and Beach 

Streets 

Drawn from description of Mr. W. H. Quigley. 

Washington Bank, Boston, 47 State Street .... 
From photograph owned by the Boston Athenaeum. 

Roxbury, Mass., Residence of Almon D. Hodges, 39 St. 
James Street ......... 

From photograph owned by the D. C. Hodges estate. 



PAGE. 

opp. 164 
opp. 238 



Portsmouth, R. I., Residence of Almon D. Hodges 
From photograph owned by the D. C. Hodges estate. 

DOCUMENTS (Originals owned by the Editor). 

Ballot, Rhode Island City Convention, 1844 .... 

"■ Rhode Island Law and Order Prox, 1844 
Commissions, Military ... 25, 26, 166-170, 294, 295, 297 
Comstock, Martha. Certificate of her Teachers, 1818 . 
Confession of Faith of Jonathan Hodges, Senior, 1743 . 
Glazier, Amery. Certificate of his Preceptor, 1802 
Hodges, Almon D. Penmanship Specimens, 1815 . 

Militia Orders to train, 1819, 1820 . , . 102, 
Fine for not Training, 1819 .... 

Warrant. Sergeant Boston City Guards, 1822 
Commission. Adjt. 2d Regt. R. I. Militia, 1825 

Lieut. Col. 2d Regt. R. I. Militia, 1827 
Colonel 2d Regt. R. I. Militia, 1828 
Lieut. Col. Police Regt. R. I. Militia 



opp. 250 
opp. 256 

opp. 270 
opp. 302 



Commission. 

Commission. 

Commission. 

1842 

Commission. Col. Providence Horse Guards, 1844 

On Ballot in 1844 

Invitation to West Point Cadets' ball, 1844 

Niagara Falls Certificate, 1845 .... 

Military Pass to Virginia, 1862 
Almon D., Junior. Commission. Lieut. 42d Mass. Inf. 

1864 

George F. Commission. Lieut, and Paymaster .5th Mass 
Inf., 1861 

Commission. Lieut, and Adjt. 18th Mass. Inf., 1861 

Henry. Taunton Selectmen's Recommendation of an 

Ordinary, 1704 



122 
206 
-299 
215 

23 
266 

37 
104 
103 
108 
166 
167 
168 

169 
170 
122 
219 
220 
292 

299 

294 
295 

20 



10 ILLUSTRATIONS. 

PAGE. 

Hodges, Jonathan, Senior. Confession of Faith, 1743 ... 23 

Provincial Tax Warrant, 1747 24 

Commission. Lieutenant, 1758 . • . • • 25 

Specimen of Ledger, 1752-1758 46, 47 

Jonathan, .Junior. Commission. Captain, 171)8 . . 26 

Resignation. Captain, 1801 27 

Chaise Tax Receipt, 1800 44 

Specimen of Ledger, 1788-1814 ..... 54, 55 

William T. Commission. Lieut. 41st Mass. Inf., 1862 . 297 

Commission. Capt. 4th Mass. Cav., 1864 . . . 298 

Ledger Specimens 46, 47, 54, 55 

Military Commissions, Orders, Pass and Warrant . 25, 26, 102-104, 108, 

166-170, 292, 294, 295, 297-299 

Niagara Falls Certificate, 1845 220 

Order for Dyeing, Shearing and Pressing Cloth, about 1810 . 56 

Philharmonic Society Programme, Providence, 1834 . . . 152 

School Certificates 215, 266 

Taunton Selectmen's Recommendation for Keeping an Ordinary, 

17U4 20 

Tax Warrant (1747) and Receipt (1801) 24, 44 

Warrant of Almon D. Hodges as Sergeant, Boston City Guards, 

1822 108 

West Point Cadets. Invitation to Ball, 1844 219 

MAPS. 

Map showing Hodges Homestead in Norton, about 1830 . . 59 

("oiiiiiiled by the Editor. 

Map of Providence County, R. I., 1842 199 

From tbe Providence .Journal of .July 19, 1842. 

Map of Eastern Railroad, between Boston and Swampscott, 1846 230 

From the Boston Almanac of 1847. 



MISCELLANEOUS. 

Fire Engine. The First Hydraulion, Providence, 1821 , . 146 

Old Print. From engraving by S. S. Kilburn. 

Fulling Mill, The Old New England 49 

Drawn by W. J. Hodges from data of the Editor. 

Gravestone of Elder Henry Hodges, 1717 .... opp. 21 

Ji'rom photograph owned by the editor. 

Norton Town Seal 29 

By kindness of Jacob A. Leonard, Town Clerk. 



ILLUSTRATIONS. 11 



Railroad Coach, Original, Boston & Providence . , . opp. 120 
From photograph presented by the N. Y., N. H. & H. R. K. Co. 

Street Railroad, Metropolitan. The First Open Car . . 270 

From Ballou's Pictorial of April '2o, 1857. 



PORTRAITS. 

Bacon, Eben. Third President of Washington Bank . . opp. 262 
From photograph owned by Mrs. Fiuncis E. Bacon. 

Baldwin, Aaron, about 1841. First President of Washington 

Bank opp. 246 

From painting Vjy Francis Alexander owned by Herbert B. Cushing. 

Clarke, Rev. Pitt, of Norton opp. 36 

From an engi-aving owned by the editor. 

Comstock, Sally Brown, March, 1847 opp. 213 

From painting by James S. Lincoln owned by F. S. Hodges. 

Dorr, Thomas Wilson opp. 176 

Daguerreotype by A. L. Dick. From Arthur M. Mowry's Dorr War. 

Hodges, Almon D. ....... . Frontispiece 

From painting by G. P. A. Healy, owned by the Editor. 

Colonel of Providence Horse Guards . . opp. 170 

From daguerreotype owned by the D. C. Hodges estate. 

And Wife Martha opp. 211 

From painting by James S. Lincoln, owned by the Eilitor. 

And his Family, 1849 opp. 242 

From photograph by Whipple & Black, owned by the D. C. Hodges estate. 

Second President of Washington Bank . . opp. 252 
Fixim daguerreotjpe by Whipple, owned by the D. C. Hodges estate. 

Chief of Squadron, Roxbury Horse Guards . opp. 289, 290 
From two photographs cwTied by the Editor. 

In Later Life opp. 304 

From his latest photograph, owned by the Editor. 

Almon D., Junior, 1849 opp. 242 

In Hodges Family photograph. 

Danforth C. and William T. about 1837 . . . opp. 218 
From painting by James S. Lincoln, owned by the D. C. Hodges estate. 

Danforth C, 1849 opp. 242 

In Hodges Family photograph. 

Family in 1849 opp. 242 

From photograph by 'Whipple & Black, owned by the D. C. Hodges estate. 



1-2 ILLUSTRATIONS. 

PAGE. 

Hodges, Francis O., 1849 opp. 242 

In H()(lf;;es Family photof^raph. 

P'rederick S., 1849 opp. 242 

In H()(l5^(^s Family photograph. 

George F., 1841 opp. 220 

From painting by James S. Lincoln, owned by the Editor. 

George F., 1849 opp. 242 

In Hodges Family photograph. 

George F. (Adjutant) and William T. (Captain) . opp. 296 
From painting by .Sharpe, owned by the D. C. Hodges estate. 

Jane Hudson opp. 266 

From photograph by Edward C. Hodges, owned by the Editor. 

Martha (Comstock) and Almon D opp. 210 

From painting by James S. Lincoln, owned by the Editor. 

Martha (Comstock) 1849 opp. 242 

In Hodges Family photograph. 

William T. and Danforth C. about 1837 . . . opp. 218 
From painting by James S. Lincoln, owned by the D. C. Hodges estate. 

William T,, 1849 opp. 242 

In Hodges Family photograph. 

William T. (Captain) and George F. (Adjutant) . opp. 296 
From painting by Sharpe, owned by the 1). C. Hodges estate. 

Lafayette, General. Portrait by Ary Schaffer . . . opp. 156 
Plate loaned by the Bostonian Society. 

Leonard, George. Junior opp. 38 

From Rev. G. F. Clark's History of Norton. 

Putnam, Dr. George. Minister of First Church of Roxbury opp. 236 
From photograph owned by Henry W. Putnam. 

Williams, Moses . . opp. 93 

From photograph owned by Mrs. James B. Case. 




THE OLD NEW ENGLANDERS. 



HE father of my memory was a person who varied 
greatly as the years — my years — rolled on. 

In my earliest remembrance he was a pleasant 
bef ore-breakfast companion. Whenever I chose to 
get np betimes and appear with my face and hands washed 
and my hair brushed, I found him ready for a walk, which was 
made the more enjoyable by stories of the people who had lived 
at the places we passed, and of the events which had happened 
there. On the Fourth of July I could always go up with him 
to Tommj'-'s Rocks, at sunrise, and see the guns fired, and on 
May Day morning walk down to the Neck and see the long- 
line of onmibuses or street cars, crammed and jammed with 
free passengers, move in procession from Boston to Roxbury.* 
In all cases there were interesting stories of people and things. 
I don't know how young I was, but I was cei-tainh^ very 
small, when I began to hear the phrase, so often on his lips, 
" Welcome the coming, speed the parting guest." I never 
knew the time when there were not some visitors in the 
house — cousins and uncles and aunts and others — unless 
there was sickness in the family. It was a lively household 
and something was always going on. In the afternoons — 
mornings he was at the bank, so far back as my memory goes 
— there were pleasure rides or calls on people, or now and 
then — for he was very fond of seeing bright faces around 

* In its earliest years the Metropolitan Street Railroad Company (fol- 
lowing the former custom of the Roxbury omnibuses) sent its cars, on 
their first trip on May Day. in a procession from Boston to Roxbury, 
and passengers were carried without charge; but they had to pAy if they 
rode back. 

( 13) 



14 THE OLD XKW ENGLANDEKS. 

him, as I giadually learned — he would collect a crowd of 
children, stop a passing baker's wagon, and buy up the load 
of cakes and cookies ; or hire an organ-grinder and let the 
little ones dance. In the evenings there were games and 
glees in which all present, old and young, were expected to 
join. There were also grander occasions, when more people 
came, and there were talking and laughing and music — al- 
ways music ; also ice-cream, salad, cakes and coffee. But 
these pleasures were not allowed to interfere with my studies 
and other duties, or with the prescribed rules of conduct and 
health. 

So long as his children were young, they went regularly to 
church twice on Sunday ; and it was his custom for many 
years in the evenings to read " prayers " from a book, which, 
although they were short, always made us sleepy and were 
often evaded, so that his audience was apt to be limited. 

So long as liis children were small, they willingly arose 
early in the morning, as he did always, being an adherent of 
tlie early-to-bed-and-earlj'-to-rise doctrine. But his sons, as 
they grew older, inclined more and more to prolong theii' 
slumbers and needed rousing that they might not delay the 
breakfast. Father always greeted the morn with song, and 
usually the first thing we heard was a cheerful hymn as he 
})assed from his bedroom to the bathroom to take his matu- 
tinal sliower. On the way he rang a bell to indicate that it 
was time to dress. If the bell-ringing proved inefficient, it 
was followed by the cry of " Bowse out I bowse out I '' a 
marine ejaculation which seems now to have l)ecome obsolete. 
If anyone failed to bowse out promptl}', he was personally 
visited and, if necessary, was ejected from his downy couch. 
This morning performance was for the little (ynes a delightful 
introduction to the day's pleasures. 

There were rare occasions when he was not agreeable to us 
small people. He would accept an excuse, even a flimsy ex- 
cuse ; but a defiant "I will I " or "I won't!'' was nluxyi/s 



THE OLD NEW ENGLANDERS. 15 

considered by him a challenge for corporal punishment. I 
presume that, being a difficult child, I must have been 
spanked by him, although I cannot remember a single in- 
stance. To be sure, I lived four years, after my mother's 
death, away from home. But I recollect the green tool-chest 
in the bathroom, which was the seat of punishment, and the 
two rods named Tommy Red and Johnny Green, either of 
which the culprit might select if he chose. And my eldest 
brother has told me tales in which Tommy Red and Johnny 
Green figured prominently ; but only at long intervals. 

At one j)eriod father appeared to us rather behind the 
times. Occasionally he would say " legislate w'er," instead of 
" legislacher " ; and he couldn't read Virgil or Xenophon, al- 
though he knew about them. Wliile he was willing to con- 
cede that the schools were very much better than they had 
been in his childhood, and always expressed a readiness to be 
taught by his better-educated children, yet when pressed into 
a discussion — which he never began himself — he sometimes 
seemed quite obtuse. He had been taught in Ms school to 
say " legislatewer " (as if that were any argument) and really 
now, sounding the letters separately, with especial reference 
to the u, why should one pronounce t-iir-r-e " clier " rather 
than " fewer," unless it were purely a matter of fashion ? And 
fashions were apt to change more than once, were they not ? 

We children were never afraid of our father and often tried 
to play a joke on him. A good joke, at his own expense, he 
always took in the best possible spirit. But a poor joke was 
apt to cause retaliation. And as he had a quick brain and an 
abundance of humor — which, however, was always kindly — 
we grew cautious as we grew older, and less inclined to a con- 
test of wits. 

There were times when we thought him prosy, — when he 
was continually " preaching " about honesty and economy and 
punctuality ; doing one's duty cheerfully and without growl- 
ing (he hated a chronic growler) ; being a good neighbor 



16 THE OLD NE^Y ENGLANDERS. 

(tli;it was an unending topic with him, and included loyalt}'- 
to one's country) ; working hard and laying up something for 
a rainy day ; — about lots of things which had been printed 
years ago in Poor Richard's Almanac and in Sunday School 
books. Wh}^ talk so much about tiresome matters that every- 
body knew, instead of telling us something fresh and interest- 
ing ? 

Later in life when I went about in the world, 1 discovered 
gradually that the world had a higher opinion of my father's 
character, ability and appearance than had previously occurred 
to me. I learned that he had a most extensive acquaintance 
throughout the eastern and the middle States, and even on 
the Pacific coast ; and that his acquaintances all considered 
him a greater and better man than his young children had 
ever imagined. When I visited a new city, people seeing my 
name on the hotel register or in the newspaper list of arrivals, 
came to call on " Colonel Hodges' son." On being intro- 
duced, I was greeted cordially and congratulated because 1 
was " Colonel Hodges' son." Time and time again I was 
told how he had been this and that man's dear friend, had 
helped this and that man with sound advice, had aided this 
and that man to start in business, had righted this and that 
wrong, had advanced this and that good cause ; what an up- 
right man, what a wise man, what a helpful neighbor, and 
what a cheery companion he had always been. The longer I 
lived, the more pleasant words I heard about liim. I am still 
hearing them from the younger generation. 

Recently I have been reading my father's diary and other 
documents of his to which I have fallen heir ; and from his 
words, penned simply for his own eye, and during his life 
seen by no other person except perhaps his wife, I have come 
to a still better knowledge of him, and have acquired a still 
greater respect for his memory. It seems to me that it is a 
good tiling to have had such an ancestor, and a useful thing 
to put in permanent form an intimate account of the domestic 



THE OLD NEW ENGLANDERS. 17 

life of his generation whose traditions and customs have passed 
entirely away. Wherefore I have put together, for his children 
and his children's children, a frank story of my father and his 
time, hoping that some of them may come to share in the 
pleasure and benefit which I have enjoyed. 

The period of the Civil War has been set up as a great 
landmark in this country, dividing the Old South from the 
New South. It serves equally well to distinguish the Old 
New England from the New England of to-day. 

So great and so rapid have been the changes, between the 
Old New Englanders and the New New Englanders, in habits 
of thought, waj^s of living, methods of business, means of 
communication, systems of education, ideas of theology — in 
almost everything affecting their lives and relations to one 
another — that unsound theories are springing up concerning 
domestic life in New England before the war. Oftener and 
more confidently, as the past recedes, it is asserted that this 
life must have been mean and sordid ; that the mother who 
bore eight or ten or a dozen children, must have been a 
broken-down drudge ; that the father who toiled hard, lived 
simply and accumulated only a small amount of cash, must 
have passed a life barren of pleasure ; that the children who 
were early taught to work, and were taken to church twice 
every Sunday, must have been unhappy creatures. 

It seems rather strange that, in the recent historical at- 
tempts to describe family life before the Civil War, those who 
have written of the Old South, have usually painted it as a 
land of pure delight ; while those who have treated of the 
Old New England, have generally depicted it as a region of 
gloom and sadness. The former may have laid on the bright 
colors too thick ; the latter certainly have used the dark tints 
too exclusively. Verily there is ample reason to believe that 
there were as much brightness and happiness in the Old New 
England as in the Old South, or indeed as exist in the present 



18 THE OLD NEW ENGLANDERS. 

New England. Certainly this sketch, which is the intimate 
personal history of a representative Old New Englander, 
written in great part in his own words, is the story of a very 
happy life. 

The snhject of the sketch, as was quite customary in his 
day, kept a diary — a "journal " he called it, and his term is 
adopted here — in which he jotted down the incidents of his 
life. His journal was begun when he was eighteen years old ; 
the last entry was made within twelve hours of his death. He 
suiDplemented it by marginal notes, by " recollections " of his 
childhood and youth which he wrote for his children, by 
various historical addresses and frequent newspaper articles, 
and by scrap-books. He also collected and preserved a num- 
ber of old family papers, including the account-books of Ms 
father and his grandfather, who were " clothiers " as well as 
farmers. These account-books range from 1744 to 1813, and 
as the system of barter prevailed to a great extent in those 
days, they contain many curious and interesting data. Tliis 
book is substantially a re-statement of the facts noted in the 
above documents, written almost entirely in his own words, 
even in many cases where " the editorial I " has insisted on 
obtrudiuR' itself. 




NEW ENGLAND ANCESTRY. 



LMOST of necessity for the development of 
his type, his ancestors in New England were 
all of English stock. Among them, of course, 
were John and Priscilla Alden of the May- 
flower. There were also ministers, seven in number, viz. : — 
James Allen, Oxford graduate, ejected in 1660 from the 
English pulpit, minister of the First Church of Boston 
for forty-two years, and one of the wealthiest residents 
of Boston in his day ; Samuel Danforth, member of the 
second class which was graduated at Harvard College, 
Pastor of the First Church of Roxbury from 1650 to 
1674, colleague of the Apostle Eliot, astronomer, mathema- 
tician and poet ; Samuel Danforth, son of the last, a Harvard 
graduate of the Class of 1683, minister for forty years at 
Taunton, Mass., where he acquired " an unbounded influ- 
ence " over his townsmen, and where he was also " the prin- 
cipal, if not the only, physician and lawyer " ; John Mayo, 
graduate of an English university, probably Oxford, minister 
at Barnstable and at Eastham, Mass., and then for seventeen 
years of the Second Church of Boston ; Nicholas Street, prob- 
ably graduate of Oxford, minister at Taunton from 1638 to 
1659, and then at New Haven; William Tompson, Oxford 
graduate, driven from ministerial labors in Lancashire over to 
America where he became minister of the First Church at 
Braintree, — a rather gentle character much tinged with mel- 
ancholy; and John Wilson, whose father was a clergyman, 
and whose grand-uncle was Edmund Grindall, Queen Eliza- 
beth's Puritan Archbishop of Canterbury. Wilson was a 
graduate of Cambridge University, chaplain and preacher for 

(19) 



20 NEW ENGLAND ANCESTRY. 

several years in England, and then the militant first minister 
of the First Church in Boston from 1630 until his death in 
1667. 

Elders and deacons of churches, captains of military com- 
panies, selectmen of towns, and holders of other prominent 
local positions Avere exceedingly plentiful. It was a vigorous, 
energetic. God-fearing stock in all its branches. 

In the year 1643 William Hodges, the first known member 
of the tribe, appeared at Taunton, Mass. Whence he came, 
and why he crossed the ocean, is unrevealed. He may have 
been the " William Hedges " who was appointed on a jury at 
Salem, Mass., March 27, 1638, but this is not certain. About 
1649 he married Mary Andrews, whose father was one of the 
leading men of Taunton, and by her had two sons, John and 
Henry. He held considerable property, and probably was 
comparatively young when he died in 1654. 



/^^<^ ^0^3:) 



Henry Hodges of Taunton, the second son, was captain of 
the military company, held the highest town offices for many 








THE-3C 



'yf-** 




':mi^ii!(iW»'::aamimKm^ 




GRAVESTONE OF ELDER HENRY HODGES. 
Erected 1717.- Reset 1906. 



NEW ENGLAND ANCESTRY. 21 

years, was a deacon and presiding elder of the church, oc- 
cupying, it is said, a seat in the pulpit with the minister. 
He married and had eleven children. He died and was 
buried in the Neck of Land Burying Ground where still is to 
be seen his gravestone inscribed : here lies the body of 

ELDER HENRY HoDGES AGED 65 DIED IN THE YEAR 1717 

SEPTEMBER THE 30. An excavatiou, made one hundred and 
eighty-nine years after his burial, disclosed one end of his oak 
coffin, blackened with age but unchanged in form. His auto- 
graph, twice reproduced above, is to be found on many old 
documents, owing to his prominence. 




Joseph Hodges, son of Henrj-, thus signed his name in 
1729. He was deacon of the church, assessor and selectman 
many years, served as major in the Old French War, took 
part at the siege of Louisburg on the island of Cape Breton 
in 1745, and died from wounds or sickness on his journey 
home. His homestead was in the southern part of Norton 
near the Taunton line. He married twice and had eight 
cliildren, all by his first wife. 

His will, made just before starting on the Louisburg Ex- 
pedition, mentioned " my Silver Hilted sword " which he 
bequeathed to liis eldest son, Captain Joseph Hodges, who 
in turn devised it to his only son, another Captain Joseph 
Hodges, and he to his oldest son, a third Captain Joseph 
Hodges. This last had an energetic, capable New England 
wife, who held the interests of her children paramount to all 
other interests. Hence it was that when some articles were 
needed for her home, and ready cash was not immediately 
available, the silver hilt of Major Joseph's sword was sacri- 
ficed by her for the sake of her family and, by the process of 



22 NEW ENGLAND ANCESTRY. 

barter, was transmuted into silver spoons. The blade is still 
owned by her grandchildren, whose respect for their capable 
grandmother is tempered by sorrow for the loss of a priceless 
heirloom. 




Jonathan Hodges of Norton, son of Major Joseph, wrote 
his name as above. There being an elder man of the same 
name in Norton in his earlier years, he was called then 
Jonathan Hodges, 2d, and also Jonathan Hodges, junior. 
He was a farmer. He was also a "clothier"; that is, he 
owned a water-power fulling mill, which he built in 1744, 
and carried on the business of fulling, dyeing and dressing 
cloth. He was a person of prominence and held many offices, 
among them that of warden, being " of good substance and of 
sober Life and conversation," as the law required. One of 
his official duties was to see " that the Sabbath was duly 
observed in all public houses and elsewhere, and to examine 
all persons suspected of unnecessary travelling on Sunday." 
His badge of office was a " white wand, not less than seven 
Feet in length." Many of his papers have been preserved 
and three of them are reproduced here, namely : — 

His "confession" or "experience," as it was then termed. 
This was the declaration of his Christian experience made, 
about 1743, previous to joining the church, as was customary 
in colonial days. 

A provincial tax warrant, in 1747, directing him to collect 
the amount assessed on the town of Norton. 

His commission, in 1758, as Second Lieutenant of the First 
Foot Company of Norton, of which he was afterwards Cap- 
tain. 

He was born in Norton February 26, 1721 (O. S.), and 
died there July 18, 1795. He married Abigail Sanford and 
had ten children. 



NEW ENGLAND ANCESTRY. 23 




^j^^'Z^ 



J^^y ^t/e>t,U^ ^^^ ^ ^H^f £'T^ ft^*t^ ^tiT /z^ 

S^m^^i^aJ- ^^"^^ ^^^^ '/Uc^ i^^t-^ i^c >>^*- f*tuja^u^ 

CONFESSION OF JONATHAN HODGES. 



24 NEW ENGLAND ANCESTRY. 



Province of the 
MaJfachufettSrBay^'RP' 




William Foye, Efq\ 

Treafm 'cr & Receroer-Generdof His Majeftfsfaid Province^ 

To\f<rKsma!<9frr^iAi Conftable or Collc<!kir of the Town oi tyyen/cr/T^ tjreeting, 6tc. 

75 T Virtue of an AEl of the Great and General-Court or AJfemhly of tbe fald Province, begun and 
^ held at Bofton, upon Wednefday tbe Twenty-feventh Day of May 1747. In tbe 21^ Tear 
«/ Hi! Majefly s Reign, Entilukd, Kn Adl for apportiomng and affefllng a Tax of Thirty-nine Thou- 

Jand one Hundred and three Pounds Hirteen Sbif/ings andfeven Pence ; and alJb for appDrtioning and 
aliening a further Tax of Two Thoufand eight Hundred and feventy-eight Pounds eleven Shillings and 

fx Pence, paid the Reprefeotatives to/ their Ser\^ce and Attendance in the General Court and Travel, 
amounting in the whole to Forty-one Tboufand ^int Hundred and eighty-two Pounds, five Shillingi 
and ont Penny ; 

rrHESEsnkiH'u 'M&jtsTv't Nemt It WiB mj^itjatrt ftt " CcUtH aB tud niry lie Sums ef Money mo-f-nti ci ihe U/t 
i tr Ufli •flit/aii Tax «• Apfsmm tfw Tim, mtdt h lit /tS'Sv' «r SikH-Mta iJ ibi laidtnin, <uU.temml}inlUitm 
U Cil!<3 : Aimnlini in lit fVhIl I* tb< Stmcf ~~ 

■T*** <*>». Of radi.Pertda i4m,*nio)i^ Iim PrapoBten fet down Ia tjic Cud Uffi or tiSs. .ii(i<are.d« 

bll Day of Atyr ncTt i fo that you ducly pay in th« Sum Total of the faid Lifts unto, and makt ujr md lifet your Accompl 
of the whok thettpf with Myfelf, His Majctty's Treafurcr and Reoiivcr-Gcncral of His Rcvciuic witbin thi? Province, tny Deputy- 
or Deputies, or SucceJlbn in the laid Office, at or before th«lafl Day of "Juitt next, whK:h wil] be in the Year of our Lord Out 
Tbnfiad frun HmdrrJ anj fcrty-riibt, vbtcb you arc alike fequirtd to do. And in caic any Perfon or Perforn lliall rcfufc or negleft 
to pay the fcvenl Sum or Sums, wbertat he or they are fet in tjvr Anirfsment, and are to pay the lame upon Demand made, [ tjthcr 
in BiJJs of Credit orjtted in and tioct the Year One tboufand fcviji Hundred andf^rty-em^ according to their Denominations ; or in* 
coined Silver it the Rate^ Snn SiHIagi mi fix Penet pet Ounce Troy-weight i or in Gold Coin in Proportion ; or in Bills of 
Credit of the middle Tenor, fo called, according to their feveralDcnominationj ; or in Bills of the oldTenor accounting four for one v 
or in good Merchan^ble Hemp, «t Ftur Petye pa Pound -, or in good Merchantable /Jle of SMe Cod-fUh, at 7n SbiHtngi per 
Q^intali or in gtjod refined B&r-lron at Fifteen Pounds per Ton v or in Bloomery-Iron, at Twelve Ptmndt p<r Ton ; or in hollow Iron 
Ware, at Twelve Ponndi per Ton i. or in pxxl Indian Corn, at Two ShiUtngi and fix Pence per Buihel i or in good Winter Rye, at 
Tko SttUJn£i onJfisi Pence per Bufid i or m good Winter Wheat, at Ttree Sbilbnp per Buihel i or in good Barley at Ta/o SbiUiagi 
per Buihel ; or in good Barrel Pork, at Two' Poundi per Barrel i or in Barrel Beef at One Pound five Sbillingi prr Barrel ; or in 
Dock or Canras, at Two Poundi ten Sbillingi per Bolt, each Bolt to weigh Forty-three Pounds , or in long Whalebone, at Tino SUlUngi 
and three Pence fa -Poxsnd; or in Merchantable Cordage, at One /"tKniZ/w iiiVUx^i per Hundred i or in good Train Oyl at Ont 
Pouud ten St:Kngt per Carrel i or in good Bees- Wax, at Ten Pence per Pound i or in good Bayberry-Wai, at Six Pence per Pound i 
or in tryed Tallow, at Four Pence per Pound i or in gotxJ Peafe at Three SbiUingj per Buihel i or in good Shcopa Wool, at Nrnt 
Pfnce per Pound i or in good tann d Solr- Leather, at Four Pane per Pound : All which aforefaid Commodiriea Ihall be of the Pro- 
fhxc of this Province i 1 it fhall and may be lawful for you, and you arc hereby authorized and required for Non-parmcnt, todiftrein 
the Perfon or Perfons fo rrfiifing or neglefling, by hii or their Goods or Cbatcles i and the Diftrefj or Dlftrefles fo taken, to kerp for 
the Ipace of Fouf Days, al the Coft and Charges of the Owner thereof ; ud if the laid Owner do not pay the Surti e£ Sums of Money" 
fo affenid upon ftim, within the faid Four Days, then the laid Diftrefs or Diftreffcs to be forthwith openly fokl at. an Outcry by you, 
for Payment of the feid Money, Notice of fuch Sale being poftpd up in fome publick Place id the iaroe "Town/Twcnty-four Hovirs 
before-haml -, «t>d the Os-erphis comir.g by the (Kid Salt ( ifanybc ) over and above the Charges of taJang and kreriing the- Dirtrefs 
or DltbtDe!, It be immediattly rdlored to the Owner. Ami if«ny I'crfon or Perfons »nclfid as ofonJiil, Qlajrveti;fc or jiegleft CO 
py theSumor Sums foa&ncd, by the fpace of Twclrc'Days after Demand thereof, where no fuiStient Dirtreli nn or may be lound, 
whereby the lame may be levied ; in every hlch Cafe,- you are to epply your fetf unto Two or more of the AITcflbn within your Town 
fcrWarrant to commit fuch Pcrfon orPerfonsto the common Goat, as the Law du-cfts. And where any Peribn or Pvrfons (Kill rrmove 
frtKn your Town, not having firft paid the refpe-flivc Sums cm Prouortion fet upon him or them in Cud Tax or Af&Isment i you uc 
hereby authorize and imnowered to detcand the Sum or Sunjs afldTt-d upon fuch Peribn or Perfons, in what Town or Place foevcr ha 
or they may be found witl jn this Province i and upon rcfufal or ncglrfl to pay the Ume» to<Je(ln;in the Ciid Perfon or Perfons, by ba 
or their" Goods and ChAttle^, as aforcCud i and for want of fuch Dijlrcfs to commit the Panv to the common Goal, ihert to remain unrj 
Payment be made of the Sum or Sums fo fet upon him,with jill Qiargcs anfing by realbn of lijch Coffunitracnt Andbcrcof you arc ni< 
1(0 &il, upon the Pains and Penaltia as may in liich Cafe by La« be ioAicted oa you. 

Given under my Hand and Stal at Bofton, «;5e Tenth Z)<iy«/NovCT:iber 1747. /n ri^Twcnty-firft 
Tear of tbe Reign of our SovereignLord G£ORC£ fbe Second; e^Gii,B*T-ariTAiJ<, &c. K.IN'G. 

PROVINCIAL TAX-WARRANT 



NEW ENGLAND ANCESTRY 



25 




C 



•nee of the \ T HO M^ S PO W N ^LL, Efq; 
ttS^S^SlSjCaptaii-General and Governor in Chief, in and 
over H,s Majefty's Province of the Mojfachufetts- 
Bay ivuVew-Eng/and, &c, 

Y Virtue of the Powenand Authority, in and by His MajelV^^s Royal Commiffion to 
Me^ranted tabe Capcin General, (3-c. over this His Majeftvs Province of the. Aii^-.. 
cbuJeitj-Bjj^ aforcfaid, 1 yto by thefe I'tefeurS' Xepofing efpecial Truft and Confidence 
in your Loyalty, Coufge and good ConctaCf,' ) conllituteand appoint You the laid 

^- y r 'y ^- >• r^-TT^-^ 



You ?re therefore carefully and dilgemly to difchai^ the Duty of a « W^^/i.'/c'^ ///'^^'^»f- 

in 'eading, ordering and exerciling fid ^'m/i/tru/ . io Arms, both inferior OScers and 

5 vldiers, and to keep them in good Order and Difciplioc ; hereby commanding them to obey you 
as dieir • i',-'~y'^/-^ji/fria-n-l andyout(elf to obferve and follow fuch Orders and Inftiuftions, as 
you (hall from time to time receive fxm Me, or the Commander in Chief for the Time being, or 
other your fuperior Officers for HisMajefty's Service, according to nxilitary Rules and Difcipline, 
purfuant to the Trufl repofed in yoa 

Chen under my Hand and Seal at Arms at'^oyx otfy the 'T^?/?./ 

Day of ^^''n-j/'/) - — In the ./^'/rA/ /^7j/ Tear of the Reign of His 

Majefiy King CEOK(J!E. the Second, Annoq; Domini, i 7/^, 






■cv/) 

7 






'^rA^i/^/ 



-/«^--^--/ "~ 



COMMISSION OF JONATHAN HODGES, CLOTHIER. 



Jonathan Hodges, ninth child of Jonathan, thus signed his 
name when he was captain of a Norton militia company. In 

these pages he is always called Jonathan Hodges, Junior, to 
distinguish him from others of the same name. He was born 
in Norton April 18, 1763, and served in the Revolution in 
-1779, 1780 and 1781. For his military services he was paid 
in Continental paper money, wliich depreciated so rapidly 



26 



NEW ENGLAND ANCESTRY. 




COMMISSION OF CAPT. JONATHAN HODGES, JR. 



NEW ENGLAND ANCESTRY. 



27 




RESIGNATION OF CAPT. JONATHAN HODGES, JR. 



28 NEW ENGLAND ANCESTRY. 

that, according to a statement made by his son, he never 
realized a cent from it. He married, in 1790, Sarah Danforth, 
great-granddaughter of Rev. Samuel Danforth of Taunton, 
bought from his father the homestead farm and the fulling 
mill in Norton, and died in the year 1814. He was the fathei- 
of Almon Danforth Hodges, who signed his name as follows : 



ji_ /%<j/^4a 



Jonathan Hodges, Junior, named his eldest son Jonathan, 
and tliis child inherited in a marked degree the mechanical 
abilities of his ancestors. He was an inventive genius, and 
when he went to England, had the letter of introduction from 
John Quincy Adams to Edward Everett, which is here repro- 
duced. 




NORTON IN EIGHTEEN HUNDRED 
AND ONE. 



Almon Danforth Hodges was born 
in the town of Norton, County of Bristol, 
State of Massachusetts, on the 25th day of 
January, 1801. 

Norton is a level, sandy township, sprink- 
led with brooks, ponds and pine woods. 
Here the sturdy husbandman compelled from a not too willing 
soil a comfortable living for himself and his family, and " laid 
up something for a rainy day." Everybody engaged in agri- 
culture — even the minister diligently tilled his field, in order 
to increase his income and be able to send his sons to college. 
It was a happy, diligent, plain-faring community of about fif- 
teen hundred persons, who lived in one hundred and eighty- 
five houses, making eight persons on the average to a family. 
It was a prosperous community, although not to be called 
a rich one. The assessors' returns show that on the average 
each householder possessed, as near as may be, one horse, two 
oxen, two swine, three cows and steers, five and three-quarters 
barrels of cider, seven tons of hay and twenty bushels of grain; 
and paid taxes amounting to nearly twelve dollars, almost 
one half of which was expended on the highways. Appro- 
priations were not made and taxes levied once a year, which 
is now the custom ; but at various times in the year, as the 
emergency arose, the town voted to incur an expense, fixed 
the amount, and directed the assessors to " levy a rate " among 
the inhabitants and to deliver this rate for collection to the 
town constables. At an earlier date the constable was per- 

(29) 



30 THE TOWN OF NORTON 

sonally charged with the total levy in liis district and held re- 
sponsible for it, whether he was able to collect it all or not, 
unless the town voted to excuse him in the case of each indi- 
vidual failure to pay. As the town was usually loath to 
grant excuses, a dangerous liability attached to the office, 
which was not a popular one.* 

The farmer often owned a kit of shoemaker's tools and 
made the family shoes, and a set of carpenter's and wheel- 
wright's tools and did much of the woodwork, and even of 
the ironwork, required on the farm. His wife and daughters, 
with spinning wheel and loom, manufactured the family cloth- 
ing, using as raw materials the flax and the wool grown on 
the farm. 

The men performed the heavy work of preparing the flax- 
fibre by pulling the plant out of the ground, separating the 
seeds with ripple-combs, soaking the stems in water — or ex- 
posing them, when sjDread on the ground, to the influences of 
dew and rain — until they were well fermented or "rotted," 
and then vigorously bruising the stalks in the heavy flax- 
brakes and striking them with the blades of scutching knives. 
By these processes, first the leaves and resinous or gummy 
constituents, and then the woody matter of the stems, were 
removed, leaving the cleaned flax-fibres. These the women 
combed with hand-heckles, thus separating the flax into two 
products : — long, fine fibres ; and " tow," that is, short, coarse 
and broken material. Each of these products was separately 
spun on flax wheels and woven on looms into fine linen or 
into tow cloth. 

In the case of wool, the men did the shearing and cleansing 
of the material, which was then given to the women for card- 
ing and combing by hand and spinning. The spun yarn was 
knitted into stockings and mittens, or woven into cloth. The 

* In Appendix III are copies of documents, illustrating the tax pro- 
ceedings in those days, from the papers of Jonathan Hodges, Junior, 
who served a numher of terms as constable and assessor. 



IN EIGHTEEN HUNDRED AND ONE. 31 

latter was generally sent to the fulling mills of which, at this 
date, there were two in Norton, one owned by Jonathan 
Hodges, Junior, the other by his brother-in-law, Thomas Dan- 
forth. After the cloth had been fulled, dyed, sheared and 
pressed, it was returned to the family to be cut and sewn 
into whatever article was desired. 

Cotton was spun and woven on a limited scale, and now 
and then small lots of jane (or jean) came to the clothier's 
shop to be sheared, dyed and pressed. Rags were woven into 
bed coverlets, and were a common article of barter. At this 
period a considerable portion of the household fabrics in Nor- 
ton were imported into town and sold by the store-keepers, 
— such as the finer woolen goods and cotton cloth. Nine 
years later the first cotton factory was built in the place. 

Aljout this year the women and children began to braid 
straw and sew the braid into bonnets and hats, — an occupa- 
tion which increased rapidly. The first straw bonnet braided 
in the United States is said to have been made by Miss 
Betsey Metcalf of Providence, Rhode Island, in 1798. Miss 
Betsey Makepeace of Norton, while on a visit, learned the 
process and introduced it into her native town. 

Iron bog-ore and pond-ore occur in various parts of the 
townsliip, and during a hundred years, beginning in 1G98, 
comparatively large quantities were smelted with charcoal 
and worked up into various shapes. These Old New Eng- 
landers were wonderful fellows and could fashion the most 
diverse articles with the simplest apparatus. But by the 
commencement of the nineteenth century the iron business in 
Norton had waned and was carried on chiefly in connection 
with the making of nails. These originally had all been 
hammered out by hand, but now they were made in " slitting 
mills " and " cutting mills " ; the first slit the iron, after it 
had been rolled to the proper thickness, into strips of the 
widths needed for the lengths of the nails ; the latter cut 
these strips into nails wliich were handed over to the Indus- 



82 THE TOWX OF NORTON 

trious farmers to be headed b}^ hand. When the heading of 
nails was done by machinery, tiie whole iron business passed 
away from Norton. But in 1801 there were still two iron 
forges there, a slitting mill and three cutting mills ; and the 
heading of nails b}'' hand gave employment to a number of 
people. One penny (lf\) cents) per pound was paid this 
3-ear for heading four-penny nails, and three-quarters of a 
penny (one cent) for heading six-penny nails. 

And tins year there were four grist mills, four saw mills 
and three tanneries in the town, running spasmodically, the 
enumeration of wliicli completes the available manufacturing 
statistics of this date. 

Money was still calculated very generally in the old terms 
of pounds, shillings and pence, six shillings being the equiva- 
lent of one dollar. The values in the day-book of Jonathan 
Hodges, Junior, were reckoned in " £. s. d." until September 
16, 1795; then in " ^. ctsr until November 7, 1796; then 
again in pounds, shillings and pence until January 2, 1807, 
when the linal change to our present currency was made. 

There was not much cash in circulation. Business was 
carried on jjrincipally by the system of barter, balances being 
settled sometimes in cash but oftener by notes of hand. 
Hence such documents as the ledgers of Jonathan Hodges, 
father and son,* afford many interesting facts concerning the 
manners and customs of the people in the olden days ; show 
A\liat these people ate and drank, what they wore, what 
wages they received, what prices they paid — in various 
ways how they lived and died. In 1795 Jonathan Hodges, 
Junior, credited " Mr. Daniel Braman By making my Fathers 
Collin, £ 0-9-0," and " Mr. James Hodges By diging my 
father=^ grave, £ 0-1-0." Very likely it was a consoling in- 



* Specimen extracts from the ledger of Jonathan Hodges, Junior, are 
given in Appendix I, and barter-prices in Norton, at this period, in Ap- 
pendix II. 



IN EIGHTEEN HUNDRED AND ONE. 33 

cident that the coffin-raaker and the grave-digger were both 
" gentlemen," as shown by the title of " Mr." prefixed to 
their names. Dr. Daniel Parker charged one dolhxr in 1795 
for "one Visit to my mother" ; but his fee in 1797 for one 
visit was only two shillings, or SS^ cents. 

The ordinary daily wage of an ordinary man was 50 cents, 
but the best workers and those engaged as carpenters and 
maso)is and in other skilled trades received nearly double this 
amount. In other words, a man was paid from 3 to 5 shil- 
lings according to his skill and ability. The daily wage of 
girls and women varied from 7 pence (or 10 cents) to 1 shil- 
ling 8 pence (or 28 cents), very likely in addition to their 
board. For spinning yarn 5| to 8i cents were paid per yard 
of 12 knots; and for weaving, the rate varied from 7 to 12i 
cents per yard. 

Beef, mutton, pork and veal were the staple meats, pork 
being the most expensive and costing 12 ^ to 17 cents per 
pound. Cliickens are mentioned now and then : a few years 
previous, Jonathan Hodges, Junior, paid one shilling and six- 
pence (21 cents) for " two Dung Hill fouls." Beans, pota- 
toes and turnips were the most common vegetables bartered ; 
prices per bushel quoted this year were 1^ dollars for beans 
and 33i cents for potatoes and turnips. Onions, rarely men- 
tioned, cost one dollar a bushel. 

Corn, rye, buckwheat and flour, butter, cheese, salt codfish, 
fresh fish from the neighboring ponds and streams, and eggs, 
were regular family foods often mentioned in the accounts. 
Rice, at 4 to 7 cents a pound, was bartered to some extent. 
Raisins, costing ninepence to a shilling per pound, were much 
used. Biscuit and gingerbread seem to have been considered 
dainties, for although the women of the Hodges family were 
notably "good providers " and famous for their home supplies 
of doughnuts, cookies and other toothsome products of the 
old-fashioned brick oven, tliey were constantly buying these 
articles from the storekeepers, who charged for biscuits and 



34 THE TOWN OF NORTON " 

double-biscuits (the latter a little more expensive) 11 to 22 
cents per dozen. 

]\Iany varieties of fruits and small fruits grew abundantly 
in Norton, but only the apple was used much in barter. This, 
eaten raw or cooked or used for making cider, was of constant 
mention at the price, for a good quality, of about one shilling 
per bushel. 

Everybody drank cider, of which two kinds were made : 
" whole cider " and " water cider." Rum was abundant, of 
four qualities : West India rum. New England rum, cherry 
rum and new rum. Brandy, for cooking and medicinal pur- 
poses, and gin, for medicine, were of constant use in the 
family. Sarah, widow of Jonathan Hodges, Junior, on her 
68th birthday made this entry : " January 21, 1826, my birth- 
day Mr Morey & Jonathan [her son] came and brought me a 
gallon of gin." An article of frequent mention was " wine," 
which cost 11.12 to ^2.00 per gallon. 

Tea, coffee, chocolate and shells were used in the families, 
sweetened with sugar — brown sugar for every day and loaf 
sugar on grand occasions. Every family used molasses. So 
great was the demand for it that for a few years, during the 
Revolutionary War and again during the war of 1812, it was 
made in Norton on a very small scale from the stalks of Indian 
corn. From 1790 to 1810 it varied in price from 40 to 80 
cents a gallon. This year, 1801, it sold at 60 cents. Honey 
cost about 16 1 cents a pound. 

Tobacco, costing 11 cents per pound, is mentioned a few 
times, and once a widow bought a small quantity. Snuff 
was evidently used not unfrequently. 

For lighting the houses candles were used exclusively, at 
least in the home of Jonathan Hodges, Junior, as shown by 
his accounts and inventory ; and he was a well-to-do man. 
Tallow was a regular article of barter and cost 14 or 15 
cents a pound. Beeswax about tliis time cost 21 cents a 
pound. 



IX EIGHTEEN HUNDRED AND ONE. 35 

The fuel was wood and charcoal. Anthracite coal had been 
mined in the town but was of too poor quality for use. 

Home-made garments of wool and linen were worn, no arti- 
cle in any way connected with their manufacture necessarily 
coming from beyond the town limits except the dyestuffs, the 
paper used in pressing cloth, and a few iron or steel imple- 
ments or parts of implements necessary for shaping the ma- 
terials. 

One or two of the oldest and wealtliiest men in town ad- 
hered to the old Continental costume. Others, on state 
occasions, wore the dress which is made familiar to-da}^ by 
the cartoons of Uncle Sam. They had the "castor" or 
"beaver" hat (price in 1803, .f6.50) — the alternative was 
the felt hat which cost SI. 25 ; the high collar and stock; the 
broadcloth frock coat and the " pattern westcoat ; " the panta- 
loons — I find a mention of Russia linen pantaloons — more 
rarely called trousers, cut and sewn in the house or by a seam- 
stress ; * and shoes made in the town, — the cost of making 
being fifty cents to a dollar. High boots and half boots were 
also worn. The early trousers were made with a broad flap in 
front which buttoned at the sides. When the present fashion 
of buttoning the trousers was first introduced, it was strenu- 
ously denounced as indecent by the conservatives. 

The favorite colors for these clothes were navy blue and 
various tints of brown and yellow ; but black, bottle green 
and olive green were much used also. 

The women, who rode frequently on horseback, were sup- 
plied with riding hoods and riding habits. There were many 
silk gowns in town which came to the clothier's shop to be 
dyed and stiffened and pressed. Also silk veils. Earrings 
were among the most common female ornaments. 



* On July 31, 1802, Jonathan Hodges, Junior, credited Sally Stanley 
with 2 shillings '• By cuting out one pair of trowser for tlios ]\[orey 
[his apprentice], & making one pair for my self." 



36 THE TOWN OF XOKTON 

The most intinential person in town was the minister. 
There was only one church, over which was settled the Rev. 
Pitt Clarke, a man of strong character, marked ability, sound 
judgment and attractive personality, whose reputation ex- 
tended far beyond the town limits. He knew how to Win and 
to retain the respect and the affection of the men, women and 
children of his parish. A rather curious bit of evidence of 
his influence over the younger members of the community 
is the fact that a schoolboy, when called on by the school- 
master to give an exhibit of his penmanship, dedicated his 
effort to the minister in producing the lines photographed 
from the original on the opposite page. 

Mr. Clarke was " liberal " in his theological opinions, but 
never assumed a sectarian position or applied to himself or his 
church the name " Unitarian," which was adopted later by the 
society. He seems to have remained, as he began, the " Pas- 
tor of the Church of Christ in Norton." He believed, to quote 
his own words : " 1^* in one God, the Father of ye whole hu- 
man race, ye Lord, God and Judge of ye world ; 2^^ in ye 
Lord Jesus Christ, ye only begotten son, whom ye Father 
hath sent into ye world to save mankind from sin and sorrow, 
in his sufferings on ye cross, in his triumphant resurrection 
and ascension into heaven ; 3'''^ in ye holy spirit, that it was 
shed forth abundantly on ye first disciples of our Saviour, im- 
parting unto them all necessary wisdom and knowledge, and 
)-e power of working miracles in ye first state ; 4^'^ in ye 
resurrection from ye dead and in ye future judgment." 

Mr. Clarke's opinions were accepted as orthodox by Ids 
people. Not until three years before his death, after a har- 
monious agreement during forty years, was any charge of 
heterodoxy brought against him. Then, unexpectedly, liis 
conscientious refusal to accede to a demand made by one of 
his wealthiest parishioners was resented as an affront, his 
theology was attacked, and a few members of his church se- 
ceded and formed the Trinitarian Congregational Church. 




(y^/yty€^ ^^cur^^Lc-^ 



IN EIGHTEEN^ HUNDRED AND ONE. 37 



C^l^^ d 




i^ -i^^a^^^ 




--^ 



'^/7/C6 €/^ U^TIO. 











^U^ Cl4/,/K^, 



■ — '^ r-«'<a4>-4f ^^ <!<si>z<j<«'!^ ez/rld canty ^lu^C'£^c-y 



n/ 







^^4?^, 



38 THE TOWN OF NORTON 

The wealtliiest man in town this year, and the first in social 
position, unless the minister were such, was the Honorable 
George Leonard, very commonly called Judge Leonard. He 
was descended, in the fifth generation, from the immigrant 
James Leonard. This James and his brother Henry were the 
fathers of the iron-smelting industry in the United States. 
They built and ran in Taunton the first iron works on tliis 
continent which were operated with financial success. Henry 
moved to New Jersey and there continued to smelt iron ores. 
James remained in the business in Massachusetts, where he 
and his descendants for generations prospered greatly. 

Judge Leonard was an admirable specimen of the New En- 
gland country gentleman, who thought he had other duties to 
perform besides satisfying his personal desires and adding to 
a mass of wealth already more than sufficient for all rational 
purposes of life. No finer type has ever existed. He was 
graduated from Harvard in 1748, had received the degree of 
A. M. from both Harvard and Yale, and was soon to be given 
that of LL. D. by Brown. He had studied law and practiced 
his profession, more however as an amusement than as a 
money-making occupation. He held more imjjortant offices 
than any other citizen of Norton, having been Judge of Pro- 
bate, Chief Judge of the Court of Common Pleas, member of 
the first, third and fourth Congresses of the United States, 
member of both branches of the State Legislature, Colonel of 
the Militia, etc., etc. " He was a fine-looking gentleman of the 
Old School. He wore the splendid dress of the eighteenth 
century — the cocked hat, scarlet broad-tucked coat, long em- 
broidered westcoat, buckskin breeches, and shoes with large 
buckles. He lived in the style of the old English gentleman, 
having, in the rear of the old mansion house, a park where 
he kept a variety of animals, among them a number of fine 
deer."* 

* MS. of A. D. Hodges. 



*\:- 




mvfi 



fye/ny 



^^C0y 



LCIA^^/^ 



IN EIGHTEEN HUNDRED AND ONE. 



39 



He was a large landholder and regarded agriculture as the 
noblest employment of man. He would never rear sheep on 
his farm, allow cotton mills to be erected on his streams, sell 
his growing rye for the straw manufacturer, speculate in 
stocks, or raise his rents, regarding his tenants as his friends. 
In all charitable works he was ever foremost. He was 
strongly attaclied to the clergy and to men of letters. In all 
his transactions he was governed by the principles of rigid in- 
tegrity, and during his life was never accused of injustice or 
oppression. He possessed sound judgment, practical common 




LEONARD HOUSE, NORTON, BUILT BEFORE 1700. 

sense, consummate prudence and unwavering firmness. Few 
men ever received, or deserved, more respect in any commu- 
nity. The Registrar of Probate of the county, after recording 
Judge Leonard's will, took the extraordinary step of adding 
thereto a long notice of the deceased, from which many of the 
facts here stated have been taken. 

Next in wealth — if not this year, certainly soon after — 
and eventually the richest man in Norton, was Laban Whea- 
ton. Esquire, as he was often designated in the records. He 
was a good specimen of the traditional Yankee Squire. He 
was graduated at Harvard in 1774 and later made A. M. 



40 THE TOWN OF NORTON 

He became member of Congress, Chief Justice of the Court 
of Common Pleas and State Representative, and held various 
other offices. After graduation at college he studied theology 
and preached at various places, but never accepted a parish. 
Then he went into business and failed. Penally he took up 
law, was very successful in practice, and acquired a large 
fortune. Intellectually he was very bright. During many 
years his chief, almost liis only object in life seemed to be 
money-making. But his affection for his children must have 
been very strong and eventually made him a benefactor of the 
town. For after the death of his dearly-loved daughter, in 
her memory he founded and endowed the Wheaton Female 
Seminary, which has ever been a useful and a prosperous in- 
stitution. 

The two deacons of the church, the two captains of militia, 
the three doctors and the half dozen keepers of stores and of 
public houses of entertainment probably came next in social 
rank. General Silas Cobb was an innholder at this date. 
Doctors sometimes kept public houses, but this was not the 
case in this particular year. One of the storekeepers was a 
Baptist preacher. Thomas Dauforth, brother-in-law of Jona- 
than Hodges, Junior, kept a store and was town treasurer, 
town clerk, militia captain and leader of the church choir. 
According to the historian of Norton, Rev. George F. Clark, 
about this period the largest business of at least one store- 
keeper was the sale of spirituous liquors. 

Then followed in rank the main body of the yeomanry, 
which had its own social sulxlivisions. It is interesting to 
note how the men who had proclaimed to the world as a self- 
evident truth, " that all men are created equal," recognized 
and enforced in their daily life these well-defined gradations 
of rank. But rank with them was not merely a birth-right ; 
it was to be attained by any who deserved it. One can see 
in the legal documents of the period how often a young man, 
beginning perhaps as " labourer," rose step by step to the title 



IX EIGHTEEN HUNDRED AND ONE. 41 

of "farmer" (or " yeouian " or "husbandman"), of "gentle- 
man" and " Esquire." 

There were of course some poor people and a very few 
paupers. There was no poor-house in the place, and it was 
the yearly practice to " vendue the poor," that is, to sell their 
maintenance during the year to the lowest bidder. More than 
a third of the 19th century elapsed before this practice was 
al)andoned and this unfortunate class maintained on a poor- 
farm by the town. 

There was also a " witch " who, poor thing, hung herself 
seven years later. When the boys passed her house after 
dark, they held their breath and ran at full speed. 

They enjoyed good health at Norton, and manj^ lived to a 
ripe old age. David Makepeace, born September 9, 1767, 
reached this year liis -Slth milestone, and passed his 102nd 
before he ended his life's journey. He voted at every presi- 
dential election from 1789, when George Washington was 
chosen chief magistrate of the nation, until 1864, inclusive ; 
and he went to the polls in 1868 to vote for Grant and Col- 
fax, but as he had not registered, liis ballot was not accepted. 

Some of the inhabitants must have been endowed with re- 
markable natural faculties — Silvester Newcomb, for instance. 
One June day in the year 1775, while he was at work in a 
field with his father, he luckily happened to put his ear to a 
rail of the fence, and heard the booming of the cannon at 
Bunker Hill ! At least he more than once so informed his 
young cousin, the subject of this sketch, and other youthful 
friends. 

The public buildings consisted of the meeting-house, in 
which the town meetings were held, and seven school-houses, 
three of which were erected this very year. 

The meeting-house had been built nearly fifty years. It 
was a plain wooden building, 55 feet long by 40 feet wide, 
with three doors ; one, which was the main entrance, being on 
the south side, the others on the east and west ends. The 



42 THE TOWN OF NOIITOX 

pulpit was on the north side, and over it was a large hex- 
agonal sounding-board of panel work, supported by an iron 
rod.* Innnediately in front of the pulpit was the deacon's 
seat. Against the walls of the building on all four sides, and 
also occupying an additional part of the main floor, were pews. 
The town sold to the highest bidders floor-areas, on which the 
purchasers built each his own pew.f The floor-space not oc- 
cupied by pews had benches — for men on one side and for 
women on the other. On three sides of the house were gal- 
leries with rows of seats rising one above the other. There 
were some pews in these galleries, and certain seats here, 
doubtless the poorest in location, were set apart for negroes. 

The meeting-house had no steeple and no bell or belfry. 
It was shingled on the outside and unpainted. On the inside, 
certain portions, as the doors and window frames, were 
painted, and elsewhere whitewash was used. There was no 
stove or fire-place, but on Sundaj's many of the weaker sex 
brought small foot-stoves filled with coals. Not until 1818 
was the opposition to warming the meeting-house overcome. 
That year eighty-five dollars and twenty-five cents were raised 
by private subscription, with which two stoves and fixtures, 
and also some fuel, were purchased. 

The choir sat in the gallery facing the pulpit. Under the 
leadership of Thomas Danforth, and with the accompaniment 
of violins and bass viols, it provided musical worship, enter- 
tainment and instruction of a high order, and flourished 
mightily. These were "the good old days" of church music 
and family music in Norton — long remembered and oft re- 
ferred to in later years. 

There were seven small and very plain school-houses. Of 
the three built this year, the most expensive one cost not 

* For these and other items relating to Norton, the editor is indebted 
to Rev. George F. Clark's excellent history of the town. 

t January 1753. Benjamin trow ci-edit to Building my pue old tener 
£08-00-00. [Ledger of the elder Jonathan Hodges, p. 39.] 



IN EIGHTEEN HUNDRED AND ONE. 43 

quite two hundred dollars. It had one aisle, on either side of 
which were two rows of long benches. There was a large 
fire-place op23osite the door. In one corner was the teacher's 
desk, and in another was a closet for the girls' bonnets. 

The teachers were generally men, perhaps exclusively in 
the winter terms ; women sometimes taught in the summer 
terms at least. The male teachers often were college stu- 
dents. The colleges had a mid-winter vacation as long as the 
summer vacation, thus affording their students opportunity 
to teach at the season when all the country schools were in 
session, and allowed those who did teach to stay away from 
college after the vacation had ended, and on their return to 
" make up " the studies which they had thus missed. 

For the very young children, care and instruction were 
provided by several women in their own homes. 

There was a small library in town, kept in a private house 
and maintained by subscription. It was founded in 1794 
by thirty-six "proprietors," who each paid for one right 24 
sliillings in the first two years and 1 sh. 6d. annually there- 
after. An individual was allowed to purchase more than one 
right, and could take out as many books at a time as he 
owned rights. 

There was no post-office in the township. To obtain letters 
it was necessary to go to Easton or Attleborough or Taunton. 
There was no stage line except the one running from Boston 
to Taunton on the Bay Road, which passes for a very short 
distance through the extreme easterly part of Norton. The 
majority of the people travelled on foot or on horseback. 
There were some who indulged in the luxury of a chaise. 
Probably the minister had one in liis later years, but appar- 
ently not always, since the following charge appears in the 
ledger of Jonathan Hodges, Junior, who owned one of these 
vehicles which he frequently rented. 

"July 20, 1799 Rev Pitt Clark D-". 

for my chaise to Cambridge & Boston £0-12-0 " 



44 THE TOWN OF NORTON 

There was a State tax on carriages at this period as sliown 
by the foUowing receipt : 



'o^ 



A Hi S Is to certify, that ( ^y^T^^^^^^^-t;:^^!^^ /Av^ 
cf the Town of ^^k^o^^^^oci^ m the County of 

ybruiht. and Diftrid of MaffachuiettSr 

Jath paid the duty of thyix^ dollars upon a. ux^-o wheel 

carnage, called a -^A c<^t , owned !^ A^^^^-^t-^ 



hav* 



^ top, to be drawB by (yru. liorfe , for the conveyance o£ 
^^Curo perfou J % for the year to end on the 3od» 
ti Septeiaber, sSoo . 




/y CoUecior of (he Revenue^ 

tu Dhj/tony Survey y Ns. 3 
Majfachujetts* 

The following bill for " repairs " of a chaise illustrates the 
spirit then prevalent of never throwing away as waste any- 
thing, or any part of a thing, which could be utilized : — 

Taunton HO June 17!)8 M^ George Palmer to William Stall l)r 

k s d 
To a New Boddy & Top £ 11-14-0 .... 11-14-0 

To painting J^oddy 4-10-0 4-10-0 

To Triniing Boddy Top 3-12-0 3-12-0 



IN EIGHTEEN HUNDRED AND ONE. 



45 



To painting Carrage Weels 1-10-0 

To Repairing harness 1-6-0 

To Ironwork Don for Chais 9/ 

To Cleaning Top & harness 15/ 

To a New hind barr 12/ 

To brass work Don Said Chais 9/ . 

To Repairing Saddle 12/6 

To New Swinggletree 3/ 

To New Leathers on bottom Sides 



Mend Aporn [apron] 



To trimiug for Gott [forgotten] 7/6 Cord & threed 1/6 



1-10-0 
1- 6-6 
0- 9-0 
O-lo-O 
0-12-0 
0- 9-0 
0-12-0 
0- 3-0 
0- 1-6 
0- 9-0 

£26-3-6 



Equel to $87-25 Cents 



Rec'^ payment in fnll by me 
Isaac Stall Sine^ for Brother 30"' July 1798 



There was no hearse in town until 1804, when the town 
bought one. Before this last date the dead were carried to 
their graves, sometimes for distances of several miles, upon 
the shoulders of men. On December 18, 1789, Jonathan 
Hodges, Junior, charged Benajah Tucker one shilling " for 
my hors to Ride Double to your father Tuckers Bureying." 

There were three militia companies, naturally captained by 
" Revolutionary heroes," who, on account of the experiences 
of the country during the Revolution, were strongly in favor 
of a w^ell-organized militia. The infantry company on the west 
side of Rumford River was commanded this year first by 
Captain Jonathan Hodges, Junior, and then by Captain Rufus 
Hodges ; that on the east side of the river, by Captain Isaac 
Makepeace ; and the Norton Artillery, by Captain John 
Gilbert. 

And of these and other institutions which did or did not 
exist in the town of Norton in the year of our Lord 1801, 
more will be said later. 






^ _ ,^ 1 ^ ^ A> 1 Ni . ^ 





A SPECIMEN OF THE LEDGER OF JONATHAN HODGES, SENIOR. 

(46) 




•^ -^ ^ Nil 
^ ^ ^ ^ 



A SPECIMEN OF THE LEDGER OF JONATHAN HODGES, SENIOR. 

(47) 




AN OLD NEW ENGLANDER CLOTHIER. 



ONATHAN HODGES, Senior, learned the trade 
of clothier in Freetown, Massachusetts. In 1743, 
being twenty-one years of age, he married, and 
the next year he bought a lot of land in Norton, 
settled there and built there the first fulling mill ever erected 
in that town. It stood on Goose Brook, near to the road cross- 
ing this stream, in the southerly part of the township not far from 
the Taunton line, in what is now the village of Barrowsville. 
Soon after the mill was erected, in consequence of the protest 
of Judge Leonard, whose land was flowed by the mill pond, 
the structure was moved down stream some thirty-five rods, 
to a spot where the remains of the dam are still (1909) visi- 
ble, close to the bridge of the railroad from Attleborough to 
Taunton. In 1788 Jonathan Hodges sold the mill, with the 
land, shop, etc., to his son, Jonathan Hodges, Junior, who 
carried on the business until his death. After liis decease the 
mill building was moved near the highway and converted 
into a dwelling house, in which Sarah Caswell, the elder 
daughter of Jonathan Hodges, Junior, lived for some years 
with her family. It now forms a part of the ell of the house 
of Mr. George H. Arnold — who purchased the estate in 
1851 — its oak timbers being as sound and strong as when 
they were first hewn more than a century and a half ago. 

Woollen cloth, as is well known, shrinks and tliickens — 
that is, " fulls " — when it is wetted, unless it has been pre- 
viously treated. The shrinking is hastened if the wet cloth 
is beaten or pounded. The fulling mill is a macliine used for 
performing this operation. It is employed also for wasliing 
and cleaning, or " scouring," cloth. Jonathan Hodges utilized 

(48) 



AN OLD NEW ENGLANDER CLOTHIER. 



49 



the mill likewise to " break " liides, that is, to moisten and 

soften the hides preparatory to removing the hair and tanning. 

In the olden days every New England town had one or 

more of these mills, which were so common that no one, so 



THE OLD FULLING MILL. 



far as I have been able to learn, thought it worth while to de- 
scribe them. They were necessarily simple machines, since 
they were made by the farmer liimself, with the exception of 
the ironwork. They may have differed somewhat in different 



50 AN OLD NEW ENGLANDER CLOTHIER. 

localities, but probably were fashioned after the same general 
pattern. What is here described is that which was used in 
the town of Norton. In my search for information concern- 
ing it, I have been materially aided by my friends, General 
Henry C. Hodges of the United States Army, retired, Mr. 
William H. Tolhurst of Pittsfield, Massachusetts, and Mr. 
George O. Kilbourne of San Francisco, California, formerly 
of Hydeville, Vermont. 

The mill consisted essentially of a wooden box or trough 
in which swung to and fro, alternately, a pair of wooden ham- 
mers, as may be seen in the accompanying illustration. The 
hammer-heads were solid wooden blocks, approximately a 
foot wide, a foot and a half high, three feet long at the 
bottom which was rounded from front to back, and a foot 
and a half long at the top. These dimensions were more or 
less variable. The sloping front was shaped into a series 
of small horizontal steps, so to speak. These hammer-heads 
were suspended on stout wooden arms or handles, seven to 
ten feet long or thereabouts, which were pivoted at their 
top ends, and were connected by horizontal pitmen, or con- 
necting rods, with a crankshaft which was actuated by a 
water-wheel. The hammer-heads fitted closely into the 
wooden trough, the upper surface of whose bottom was 
curved to correspond with the bottom of the hammer-heads. 
The sides of the trough were formed by planks, some of 
which could be removed for the convenience of the work- 
man. 

The cloth was saturated with hot soap-suds — or possibly 
a solution of fuller's earth or other suitable substance — and 
thrown into the trough in front of the slanting faces of the 
hammer-heads. As these heads alternately moved backwards 
and forwards, the cloth was beaten and tossed about and 
rolled over and over until it was sufficiently fulled. Then it 
was taken out and washed, or perhaps clean water was run 
into the trough to wash it while the mill continued its opera- 



AN OLD NEW ENGLANDER CLOTHIER. 51 

tioii. The process of soaping and beating and washing could 
be repeated if necessary. 

The cloth was then tentered, or stretched between two 
horizontal beams (supported on vertical posts) to which it 
was attached by means of tenterhooks, and left to dry in the 
air. After this it was carded, by being hung in a vertical po- 
sition and combed by hand with a tool resembling a curry- 
comb. This operation raised up the nap or loose fibre on the 
surface of the cloth, which now was laid on a table — whose 
top was covered by cloth or padding — and the nap clipped, 
or sheared, with long hand-shears, so as to make a smooth 
surface. It took much skill to shear well by hand. In his 
later years Jonathan Hodges, Junior, used one of the early 
shearing macliines which worked the shears by macliinery. 

The final operation was pressing. The piece of heated 
cloth was folded, a sheet of glazed paper being laid between 
each fold, placed in a screw press and subjected to strong 
pressure. This was usually done twice, the creases of the 
folds being placed, the second time, between the sheets of 
press-paper. 

When cloth was dyed in the piece, this process seems to 
have been performed usually after fulling and before tenter- 
ing or carding. The article was immersed in dye solutions 
held in iron or brass kettles which were heated with wood or 
charcoal. 

Jonathan Hodges, Junior, like his father, made his own 
dyes. The dyestuffs which he bought and entered in his 
ledger — not a long list — and some of the prices which he 
paid, were as follows : 

Alum, 8i to 12^ cts. per lb. Fustic, 5^ to 8J cts. per lb. 

Ashes, about 12i cts. per bu. Indigo, $1..50 to .'B2.2o per lb. 

Blue Vitriol. Floating indigo, $4.67 per lb. 

Bran. Lime, 75 cts. to $1.00 per bu. 

Camwood, 20 cts. per lb. Logwood, 3 to 8^ cts. per lb. 

Copperas, 5^ to 8^ cts. per lb. Potash. 



52 AN OLD NEW ENGLANDER CLOTHIER. 

Redwood, 10 to 12^ cts. per lb. Vinegar, 121 to 33^ cts. per gal. 
Sumac bark. Vitriol compound, ,S2.00 to ^2.67 

Verdigris, 8^ cts. per oz. per lb. 

And he also bought constantly brimstone for bleaching, and 
soap (11 to 22 cts. per gallon) for fulling. 

The colors which he produced, some now rare or unknown, 
were : — black, blue, navy blue, Prussian blue, British mud, 
camwood, cinnamon, dark cinnamon, crocus, dove, drumhead, 
fustic, dark fustic, green, bottle green, olive green, dark olive 
green, lead, London brown, London brown with camwood, 
London smoke, London weed, peach-bloom, pearl, red, slate, 
smoke, snuff, snuff-brown, yellow. 

The four following receipts for dyeing are copied from a 
paper written by Jonathan Hodges, Junior. 

[1] To Make a Compound for Blew And green 

Powder 1 ounce of good Spanash flot [float or floating] Indego fine 
Sift it threw agoas Sfie [a gauze sieve] in a New arthon Point Mug 
[earthen pint mug] ad 6 ounces of good oyle of Vitrei ad 1 ounce of 
Slacked Lyme that is Not over Keene Sift your Lyme ad this Stur 
your Compound 2 houres this is fited [fitted] for youce [use] Let 
your mug Be new [and] Clean frome Nasteness. 

[2] To Colar green on 20 yards of thin Cloath or 10 of thicke 
Scowar your Copper Cleen and your Winles [windlass ?] ad in 1 Barel 
of Warter ad 1 Pound of alom ad in 1 half Pecke of Wheat Brand 
make your Lyker [liquor] to Boyle then Run and CooU 2 houres then 
heve out your Lyker and rence your Cloath fill up as much Warter as 
before ad 3 Pound of forsticke [fustic] Boyle this three houres heve 
out your Chips [of fustic] Let your Lyker Cool Down then run your 
Cloath then Bring It to a Boyle and so ground up to a good Yalow 
[yellow] To Saden of [sadden off or shade] to a green ad into your 
Dy as much of your Compound a Bove as you Can hold on your Stur- 
ing [stirring] Sticke Stur up your Dye well and so Run and ad your 
Stuf untill you have got a good green. 

[3] To Colar a Prushen Blew 20 yards of thin Cloath or 10 of 
thicke Make 1 Barel of Warter Scalden hot ad your Blewen as in a 
green Dye Worke as to Saden of a green untill you houe [have] got 
yor Colar To your Mind after Colard ad one ounce of Potash ruud in 
this twice and so Don. 



AN OLD NEW ENGLANDER CLOTHIER. 53 

[4] To Colar a Lite Sinmon [cinuamon] Colar on 20 yards of 
thin Cloath or 10 yards of thicke ad 1 Barel of Warter ad 1 galon 
of good Sharpe Vinager run and Cool in this 2 houres then heve out 
your Lyker ad 1 Barel of Warter ad Shewmake [sumac] Chips the 
Barke of 15 Pound Boyle 2 houres then Give up agrownding in this 
Dye after grownding heve Out your Chips ad to 4 quarts of Lyme 
one Pale of your Lyker Stur up your Dye after Leting stand half an 
hour Saden of with this and so Don. 

The fulling mill of Jonathan Hodges, Junior, was in the 
rear of his dwelling house. His shop was at the side of his 
house and near the road. The inventory, taken after Ms 
death, of materials in tliis shop, included the following 
articles : 

Clothiers Shearing machine $50.00 

Clothiers Shears .S7.00. Clothiers Cutting Knife 50 cts. . 7.50 

Clothiers screw & palate ....... 15.00 

Clothiers press paper ........ 4.00 

one brass dye kettle .$18.00. old brass kettle .•?5.00 . . 23.00 

one iron dye kettle ......... 5.00 

Scale & weights 33 cts. Shop tongs 33 cts. Shop bellows .$2.00 2.66 

Shop desk with Sundry tools ....... 3.00 

dye wood & copperas ........ 5.00 

He treated, in liis mill and shop, the articles sent him to 
one or more of the processes of bleacliing, scouring, shrink- 
ing, fulling, tentering, dyeing, carding, stiffening [silk gowns] , 
shearing, pressing. 

The articles which came to liim as a clotliier for treatment 
were various. They were, as designated by him, baize, bear- 
skin cloth, bed blanketting, chaise lining, cloaks, cloak lining, 
cloth [ordinary woollen cloth], coats, coat lining, coat pat- 
terns, coverlids, curtains, flannel, fringe, gloves, habits 
[riding habits], jane [cotton jean], josey [jersey cloth], 
kerseymere [cassimere], lambskin cloth, pantaloons, ribbon, 
riding hoods, silk gowns, silk veils, skirts, small clothes [knee- 
breeches], stockings, surtouts, velvet, westcoats [waistcoats], 
westcoat patterns, worsted yarn. 






Cii 



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A SPECIMEN OF THE LEDGER OF JONATHAN HODGES, JUNIOR. 

(54) 




\)\ *^<^«§ a rij- 




UP^|<\ C» ^ Ci Ck i\ CJ^ 



A SPECIMEN OF THE LEDGER OF JONATHAN HODGES, JUNIOR. 

(55) 



56 



AN OLD NEW ENGLANDER CLOTHIER. 



. 2d. 


[2.8 cents] 


. 4d 


[5.(3 cents] 




6 cents 




8 " 




10 " 




12 " 


1 sh. 


[1G| cents] 



These articles sometimes were received and treated in very 
small amounts, as witness the following charges in his ledger: 

Dyeing & pressing a remnant 

Dyeing & jn-essing a remnant, f yd. 

Pressing li yds. 

Fnlling and tentering 1 yd. 

Fulling & pressing 1 yd. 

Shearing, dyeing London brown & pressing f yds. 

Shearing, dyeing & pressing one pair of gloves . 

Shearing, dyeing & pressing one pair of stockings 1 sh. 3d. [20.8 cents] 

Shearing, dyeing black & pressing one pair of stockings . 23 cents 

Fulling, dyeing & pressing an old cloak . , 3 sh. 6d. [58| cents] 

Dyeing black & stiffening a silk gown . . 83 J cents and .f LOG 

Shearing, dyeing navy blue & i^ressing a woman's coat . Sl-OO 

On the other hand we find that on November 16, 1793, 
" I toock in one hundred & eighteen yds of Cloth this day to 
Dress." This seems to have been a maximum. 

The business was never run continuously throughout the 
year. More than fifty per cent, of the annual receipts were 
taken in the three winter months — November, December and 
January — when usually there was abundant water-power. 
Sometimes nothing at all was done in July and August, when 
the water in the brook ran low and when there was plenty of 
farm woik to be done. 

During the nineteenth century the clothier's business slowly 
declined, and when Jonathan Hodges, Junior, died, it was 
abandoned by his heirs. 



J^C^a/i to 'JOr^ '/^ 



A CUSTOMER S ORDER. 




THE HOME OF A NORTON "GENTLE- 
MAN." 



ONATHAN HODGES, Junior, was a man of 
substance who, on Sundays and at other appro- 
priate times, wore a castor hat, a broadcloth coat, 
a pattern-waistcoat, knee-breeches with silver knee- 
buckles, silk stockings, and shoes adorned with silver shoe- 
buckles. He had two silver watches : one, No. 31245, made 
by George Edwards of London, wliich he bought March 4, 
1799, for £8:8:0 ($28.00); the other, No. 6260, made by 
Ingraham & Greene of Providence, and purchased February 
18, 1807. These, after his death, were appraised at '130, 00. 
He also had a silver snuff-box, but apparently indulged very 
sparingly in the ceremonial and titillating habit of snuff- 
taking. 

He was one of the leading residents of Norton, held vari- 
ous town offices, and often declined office. He was a promi- 
nent church-member, an earnest friend and admirer of Rev. 
Mr. Clarke, and owned a corner pew in the church — the 
fourth on the right from the pulpit — one seat in which he 
usually rented for one dollar a year. His appraisers con- 
sidered the pew worth fifty dollars. He was for years captain 
of one of the infantry companies of Norton, resigning his 
commission in 1801, and selling his espontoon (or spontoon) 
for two dollars to Ensign Asa Arnold (of whose military 
office the weapon was still emblematic), and his uniform coat 
for five dollars. As an officer he had carried the noted silver- 
hilted sword of his grandfather, Major Joseph Hodges, pajdng 

(57) 



58 THE HOME OF A NORTON "GENTLEMAN." 

to his cousin Captain Joseph Hodges, for the use of it, 
seventy-five cents yearly. After resigning office he kept up 
his active interest in the militia, and always attended the 
" trainings," taking his small sons with him. 

After the Revolutionary War the military spirit waned in 
the New England towns, and it was only through the efforts 
of certain earnest individuals that the militia organizations 
were continued. When the Revolution broke out in France 
in 1789, the martial spirit began to revive, and from the time 
of the Napoleonic wars, especially from the declaration of 
war with England in 1812, until the return of peace in 1815, 
very many of the young men of Norton were disposed to join 
the militia. "In 1812 [wrote Almon D. Hodges] the young 
men were called upon to enlist in the regiments which in- 
vaded Canada; some did enlist from tliis town, but these 
were not the most useful or the best. Of those who were in 
the invading army not one returned, so far as I can recollect ; 
they all died of sickness or were killed in battle." 

Jonathan Hodges, Junior, matured early. When sixteen 
years old, he was in the Continental Army ; before he was of 
age, he was owner of real estate ; before he had reached his 
thirty-first year, he was ranked as a " gentleman." Before he 
married, he possessed at least two dozen acres of land which 
he farmed, and a fulling-mill and clothier's shop which he 
operated with his own untiring hands. Every year or two 
he added to his real-estate holdings. The first lot of land 
which he sold was the first which he bought, and this he had 
held for twenty-seven years. It was only one-half acre, for 
which he paid twenty-four shillings (four dollars) in 1783, 
selling it for twenty-two dollars and fifty cents in 1810. 

His home farm was in the south part of Norton, between 
two and three miles from the Centre where the church stood. 
When he bought tliis farm of his father in 1788, with the 
fulling-mill and the shop, it contained fourteen acres, which 
were gradually increased to about forty-three acres. Here he 







MAP OF A PART OF NORTON. 



(59) 



60 THE HOME OF A NORTON "GENTLEMAN." 

lived with his wife and five children and, usually, an appren- 
tice. Quite often he rented two rooms in his house for a 
dollar a month ; and sometimes he took a boarder who paid 
for his meals a dollar and a quarter to a dollar and a tliird 
per week. He and his wife were hospitable souls and fond 
of their kin ; hence frequent visitors were entertained by 
them — how pleasantly is indicated by the following letter 
addressed to Capt. Jonathan Hodges, Norton : — 

Norton Sunday DeC 30'^ 1804 

The Most Worthy & the best of Friends 

Be not Surprised at my takeing the liberty to write so soon after 
conversing with you for it is to give vent to a heart overflowing 
wdth friendship. The attentions you paid myself & others while 
at your House last week deserves the notice of every person 
present. H. Walker [whom the writer married two years later] 
was so much deverted that she sayd had her mother ben at home 
she would have staid 1 week — you must except of our thanks 
for I fear it will never be in our power to give you that pleasure 
& Satisfaction which we have enjoyed. 

Without a Friend the World is but a wilderness. Therefore I 
beg for the continuance of yonr friendships. And as I am young 
Shall often call on you for advise. * * * * 

It is almost meeting time so I must take my leave of you. So 
remember me your old Friend 

Asa Danforth. 

The house, wliich apparently must have been a two-story 
edifice, stood beside Goose Brook, close to the road leading 
from Taunton. It was still in excellent condition (so Mr. 
George H. Arnold stated) when it was taken down by Jona- 
than Hodges, about 1850, and the material used in erecting a 
new building in Taunton. It contained no stoves, but only 
open fireplaces — each with its pair of iron dogs, its hand- 
bellows and its shovel and tongs — and a brick oven in the 
kitchen. 



THE HOME OF A NORTON "GENTLEMAN." 61 

The inventory of the estate, taken shortly after the owner's 
death, informs us that Jonathan Hodges, gentleman, left real 
estate appraised at $2,498 ; cash, $87.60 ; notes, 34 in num- 
ber, $846.41 ; other personal property, $873.69 ; total ap- 
praised value, $4,305.70. A few articles which he owned do 
not appear in this inventory, and the appraised values were 
low, in some cases at least. 

In the house, according to the inventory, there were five 
bedsteads, each with its feather-bed, its thick blanket, its 
woollen (flannel) sheet, besides cotton and linen sheets and 
pillow-cases. There were also two bed-quilts and one bed- 
spread, the latter evidently for the use of guests. The five 
bedsteads with bedding were located : two in " the chamber," 
two in " the back room," and one in " the bedroom," which 
was perhaps the guest-room. How the family of seven (or 
eight, counting the apprentice) was distributed at night in 
these five beds — one of which may have been reserved for 
the visitor — is not recorded. To be sure there was certainly 
a trundle-bed which did not appear in the inventory. 

There were two desks and two looking-glasses. There 
were twenty-eight chairs of various descrij)tions, indicating 
appreciated hospitality. There were a candle-stand and seven 
iron candlesticks for holding the home-made candles which 
were the only means of lighting the rooms at night, when the 
firelight did not suffice. There were " 4 tow towels," wliich 
were probably roller-towels, apparently one in operation at a 
time near the kitchen sink. As cleanliness was insisted upon 
by the parents, these towels must have undergone very fre- 
quent washings. Luckily these homespun materials were 
exceedingly durable. However, it is very possible that the 
appraisers made note only of the brand new towels — they 
were valued at twelve and a half cents each — and took no 
cognizance of those which had been used. And Mrs. Hodges 
owned various articles of utility and ornament not named in 
this inventory. 



62 THE HOME OF A NORTON "GENTLEMAN." 

Of tlie table furniture, the teapots, cups and saucers were 
of block tin. The plates, platters, jugs, bowls and mugs 
were of pewter and of earthenware. The spoons and tum- 
blers for everyday use were of pewter. For festal occasions 
there were glass tumblers and decanters, half a dozen silver- 
plated table-spoons, six silver tea-spoons, and one silver sugar- 
tongs. Very likely the one souiD-dish, the two butter-boats, 
the salt-dishes and mustard cups, were used only occasion- 
ally. 

The wearing apparel of the deceased was appraised at 
seventeen dollars ; evidently some of it was going out of 
fashion. There were four kinds of cloth mentioned : cotton 
cloth, tow cloth, flannel cloth and broad-cloth ; and three 
kinds of leather : calfskin, upper leather and sole leather. 

There were a " foot-wheel " for spinning flax, two " great 
wheels " for spinning wool, and a loom. 

In the shop, besides the clothier's apparatus named on a 
preceding page, there was a kit of carpenter's tools ; also one 
of slioemaker's tools — for Jonathan was a Jack-of-all-trades, 
like the majority of his countrymen, and besides tilling his 
farm and occasionally helping his neighbors till theirs, tinker- 
ing his fences, buildings and farming implements, and dress- 
ing cloth, did quite a business in making and repairing the 
boots and shoes of the men, women and children of the 
vicinity. He, like other New England "gentlemen" of that 
day, although distinguished by the possession of a chaise in 
which to ride with one other person, and also a "horse- 
wagon " in which to carry the whole family to church or to 
make a visit — the majority of the inhabitants possessed 
neither — and although holding high social and official posi- 
tion in town, believed in the " nobility of labor," and was 
ever willing to perform any task whereby he could help his 
neighbor and increase the family income. 

The inventor}' mentions only two books : two Bibles valued 
at one dollar each. But there were other volumes belonging 



THE HOME OF A NORTON "GENTLEMAN." 63 

to the family — a dictionary, almanacs, primers and spelling- 
books, as the account books show. 

That Jonathan Hodges, Junior, was kind-hearted and gen- 
erous in his business dealings is shown by several entries in 
his ledger, one of which reads thus : — 

March 5, 1811. James Balkcom Cr. 

by your being unfortenate £0-6-0. 

If Solomon, the son of David, King of Israel, was not mis- 
taken, then the Hodges tribe of New England has ever been 
better than the mighty, for it has always been slow to anger. 
Yet never has there occurred an important fight, involving 
principles, without some of the family taking an active part. 
This Norton gentleman, being a Hodges and living at the 
proper time, had been accordingly a Revolutionary soldier, 
and the record of his service, or a part of it, is to be found in 
the Massachusetts ArcMves in the papers labelled Revolution- 
ary Rolls. In August and September, 1779, he served in 
Rhode Island under Captain Enoch Robinson. The next 
year, in July, he volunteered for six months' service in the 
Continental Army, and was sent to New York State, being 
(according to the descriptive roll) 17 years of age, 5 feet 
10 inches in stature, and of ruddy complexion. He was 
stationed at West Point at the time of the treachery of 
Benedict Arnold. In 1781 he served again in Rhode Island. 
He may have performed other military service, for the Revolu- 
tionary Rolls are known to be incomplete, and he was a man 
who, having put his hand to the plough, was not apt to look 
back ; but documentary proof is lacking. 




THE OLD COUNTRY SCHOOL.* 



'he first recollection wliich I have of my own 
existence is of my being at work with a hammer 
upon the wheels of a carriage of Ephraim Ray- 
mond, a neighbor of my father, in his carriage 
house. In tliis building Miss Catherine M. Raymond kept a 
school for small children. It was in the summer of 1803, 
when I was two and a half years old. I must have been sent 
here with my sisters, in order not to be in the way of the 
household labor, and at the same time to be well cared for. 
Miss Raymond afterwards married Elijah Mears, and moved 
to Boston where she died February 16, 1867. She ever re- 
mained a dear friend to me, and during my apprentice days 
in Boston, treated me with most affectionate hospitality. 

Thereafter I probably went to school every summer. I cer- 
tainly attended the Third District School in the summers of 
1806 to 1809, and from 1808 to 1815 in the winters. And 
whenever the school in No. 4 District kept after the end of 
the winter term of No. 3, I went tliither also. 

* Compiled from an Address delivered by A. D. Hodges to the scholars 
of the Third District School in Norton, on Thursday evening, May 29, 
1856; from his Recollections of My Childhood; and from various entries 
in his Journal. 

Father was always much interested in everything pertaining to his 
native place, and had a particularly strong fondness for his old school in 
the Third District. After leaving Norton he was ever ready to go back 
there to attend the school exhibitions, and several times in his early 
manhood he took part in them. During his later years it was his custom 
to make an annual visit to the school, taking prizes for the scholars, and 
usually making a short speech in which he generally gave a specimen of 
the manner of reciting pieces in the old days. 

(64) 



THE OLD COUNTRY SCHOOL. 65 

The school-house in No. 3 was about a mile and a half from 
our residence, but it was a most unusual storm which could 
keep me and my brothers at home. We always went on foot, 
but now and then when the snow was very deep, mother came 
with horse and sleigh, to our great delight, and carried us 
home. 

In that old school-house there were enacted scenes which 
are to my memory very dear. Many, very many years have 
rolled on since I heard the old building ring with the happy 
peals of youthful glee ; yet the old scenes of childish sports 
and merry meetings are constantly coming up in my imagina- 
tion, brilliant shadows of by-gone days. I love to review 
those scenes over and over again. 

On the first day of each term the scholars chose their seats 
in the order of their arrival at school in the morning, the first- 
comers thus obtaining the best seats. For several years 
brothers Jonathan and Newton and I, on the first morning, 
left home at four o'clock and were the first on the field, ex- 
cept one year only, when a neighbor's son preceded us ; but 
even then, as his choice differed from ours, we secured the 
places which we desired. 

The school terms were from two to three months in length. 
Each district drew for school purposes from the town treasury 
as much money as was assessed on the polls and estates within 
its limits, and thus the richest district obtained the most school 
money and could hold the longest term. Father probably paid 
extra for his children's tuition, as we attended school sometimes 
both in winter and in summer, and certain winters had in- 
struction in two districts. 

In the summer of 1807 [seemingly an error for 1806] Molly 
Woodward was the presiding genius of our school, placed 
there to teach the young idea how to shoot. Then followed 
Miss Peddy Foster, a good instructress and a brave girl. You 
will allow that she was brave, when I tell you of an occur- 
rence here. The old school-house attic must have been the 



66 THE OLD COUNTRY SCHOOL. 

abode of certain inhabitants with tlie form and feature which 
tempted that time-honored old hidy, Mother Eve. For well 
do I remember, when we were quietly conning our lessons one 
summer afternoon, how there suddenly arose a loud shriek 
from the little ones on the front seats, and a great ugly house- 
adder came ]3oking his rueful visage down between the ceil- 
ing and the cliimney, directly over the fireplace, apparently 
examining the school and looking around among the small 
scholars for a tit-bit for his dinner. But our brave school- 
mistress seized the monster with the firetongs and wound him 
up as he descended ; and when his whole coil had emerged 
from his hiding place, she thrashed the life out of him upon 
the hearth. 

The next instructress was Miss Phebe Kelton, who taught 
us during the summer terms of 1808 and 1809. She was of 
notable beauty and grace, and was universally beloved. My 
very strong attachment to her has ever been a mystery to me. 
I revere her memory to this day. 

Master Thomas Braman, Junior, taught during the winter 
terms from 1808 to 1816 or 1817, with the exception of one 
year. He had received a collegiate education at Brown Uni- 
versity and was an excellent teacher, wholly devoted to the 
faithful performance of his duties to his scholars. He began 
his tasks early on Monday mornings and continued them 
every day well into the evening, even on Saturdays teaching 
so long as there was daylight. Appearing betimes at the 
school-house every morning, he made the fire, swept the room, 
prepared the writing books and other materials, and was ready 
to give instruction to the first urcliin who presented himself, 
no matter how early the hour. 

It was his custom, at the beginning of each term, to open 
his school with an address which, for beauty of diction, depth 
of thought and adaptation to the capacity of his hearers, has 
not been often excelled by men much better known to fame. 
His speech to the school at the end of the term was also de- 



THE OLD COUNTRY SCHOOL. 67 

livered in a familiar, pleasant and effective manner and tone 
of voice which went direct to the heart, and often caused 
many a tear to trickle down the cheeks of his attentive 
pupils. 

Master Braman had a peculiar gift of making his scholars 
love him and also fear him, without liis being unnecessarily 
severe. He seldom inflicted corporal punishment, although 
tliis mode of treatment was much more common then than at 
present. Yet he considered it necessary, and indeed health- 
ful, to use the ferule occasionally. Distinctly do I remem- 
ber the appearance of tliis instrument, to which we gave 
the nickname of Master Braman's Old Reformative Soup 
Ladle. By the small scholars it was much dreaded, although 
I believe it never reached them. It seldom came out of his 
desk, but when it did, it was sure to do execution. Master 
Braman was not the man to promise without performing ; 
and when he went through the performance, it was generally, 
in the language of the play-house, with unbounded applause. 
There was one boy, only one, who pretended he did not fear 
it. His pretensions were probably feigned, for he was intro- 
duced to the instrument more frequently than any other 
scholar. It was the custom of Master Braman to add one 
more blow each time a punishment was repeated. Tom, be- 
ginning with one, reached, I think, the number of ten and 
then took a vacation — declaring that if this was the way 
Master Braman was going on with him, he rather thought he 
would proclaim his education completed. 

There was a tradition among the scholars of my day that in 
times past, not very remote, only one school book was known 
(with perhaps the exception of the New Testament), and 
that book was an almanac ; when the boys had committed 
that to memory, they considered themselves " learnt out " 
and left school. We prided ourselves on our advance over 
the almanac-days, for at the very beginning of Master 
Braman's tuition we had several books. 



68 TITE OLD COUNTRY SCHOOL. 

There was Jedediah Morse's Geography, mth a pair of 
wood-cuts supposed to be maps ; one resembled more than 
anjthing else a pair of overworked cartwheels, and the other 
looked like an old-fashioned gridiron half covered with an 
overdone beefsteak. The book contained, however, one piece 
of information Avhich impressed us. It told how to cure the 
bite of a rattlesnake. 

We had Alexander's Grammar, which we travelled through 
with expedition. When we had learned to parse a sentence 
correctly, we considered that we knew all about the construc- 
tion of the English language. We had Alden's Spelling 
Book, first and second parts, and the English Reader. 
Master Braman drilled his pupils carefully in reading, teach- 
ing them to speak clearly with proper pronunciation and 
emphasis. 

At the end of every winter t^rm we had an examination, 
or exhibition, which was made a grand occasion. For this 
there was great preparation, and the whole school was put 
througii a series of careful rehearsals. Some of the best 
scholars were allowed to read or recite pieces, and he was 
considered a favored pupil who was permitted to speak (from 
Abner Alden's Reader) " The Grumbling Clown," or " The 
Soliloquy of Dick the Apprentice." Best of all was " The 
Jew's Revenge " — Shylock's speech in the Merchant of 
Venice. Tlie parents, friends and neighbors flocked to these 
examinations, whose success was made perfect when good old 
Parson Clarke came and delivered one of his delightful ad- 
dresses which made every man, woman and child happy — 
pleased with themselves and with everybody else. 

During the winter term of 1812-13, to the grief of the 
scholars. Master Braman was unable to come to us, and a 
new teacher was engaged — a student of Brown University. 
He was probably well qualified ii> most respects, but it was 
voted unanimously by the pupils, both girls and boys, that 
"he was not Master Braman." He certainly was not Mastei; 



THE OLD COUNTRY SCHOOL. 69 

Braman's equal in inspiring respect or judiciously enforcing 
discipline. But things went quite smoothly until near the 
end of the term. Then all at once our sky was darkened by 
a violent tempest. 

A new boy named Volum came to our school this winter. 
He had reached the age of sixteen years and was of remark- 
ably strong physique ; but mentally he was not bright — was 
considered as not up to the mark in this respect by the other 
boys who, whatever they might be themselves, required a 
pretty liigh standard in any neiv boy. Moreover he was in- 
dolent and inattentive, and hence frequently received the 
serious attentions of the teacher, which, up to this time, he 
had not forcibly resented. 

One morning, in addition to other misdemeanors, he amused 
himself by reflecting the sun's rays about the schoolroom with 
a jDiece of broken glass. The teacher, discovering this, seized 
the pupil by the foretop and began rapping his head against 
the wall. Volum endured this, as he afterwards said, until 
he saw stars shooting about in various directions. Then, 
shouting in tones which outrivalled those of the greatest 
tragedians, " Let me alone or I'll draw upon you, ye villain ! " 
he drove his sledge-hammer fist into the pit of his preceptor's 
stomach. 

A bomb exploding among us could hardly have caused 
greater consternation. The master seized Volum by the coat- 
collar, Volum grappled with the master, and a rough and 
tumble fight ensued. Soon it was apparent that the master 
was weakening and using his utmost efforts to shake off his 
■ antagonist who grappled the tighter. But as the two bodies 
revolved about the room, by chance the pupil's head came in 
.violent contact with the large projecting iron door-catch. 
With the crash and the spurting of blood, the contest ended 
abruptly. The affair was unfortunate for both parties. The 
scholar never came to school again, and the teacher very soon 
left the town. 



70 THE OLD COUNTRY SCHOOL. 

My last term at the Third District School was the one held 
in the closing months of 1815. The time had then come for 
me to cease play and begin serious work. But I have always 
held tlie old place in loving remembrance, and since leaving 
Norton it has been my good luck to be able to participate a 
couple of times in the school exliibitions with some of my 
old schoolmates. 

The first time occurred in February, 1821, when I was 
living in Boston. On the sixth day of that month, at four 
o'clock in the morning, I started on foot from Boston for 
Norton, one hour ahead of the stage which overtook me at 
Savage's tavern in Stoughton, and from there carried me to 
the place near Uncle Copeland's house in Norton, whence I 
had to walk about four miles to my mother's. 

Brother Newton and some of the scholars of our old school 
had arranged for a grand exhibition at the end of the term. 
He and I, with Charles Grossman, David Arnold, Isaac Bur- 
dick [Aldrich ?] , Mary Horton, Nancy Arnold, Polly Arnold 
and others, fitted up the hall in Asa Arnold's tavern, near the 
old school-house, for the performance. We built a stage, with 
side and back scenes, and provided a curtain which was rolled 
up by cords and pulleys. The curtain was borrowed from 
my mother. It was her best counterpane from her best bed, 
and answered our purpose nicely. We worked hard to pre- 
pare ourselves, and we had much enjoyment while so doing. 

On the evening of February 13, Arnold Hall was crowded 
with " the beauty and fashion " of this part of the town, to 
witness the performance, the programme of which I have pre- 
served. (See following page). 

I spoke, in the character of a country bumpkin, the Prologue 
which was about twenty lines long. It began : 

So here we are at Arnold's Hall from country round, 
Come to see some fun, I'll bet five pound ; 
And if you're disappointed, 'tis a pity, 
Since we have tried as slick as — hity. 



THE OLD COUNTRY SCHOOL. 71 

The last line read : 

And we'll pack up all, and whistle Home Again. 

SCHOOL EXHIBITION 

On Tuesdciy Evening vnll he performed a lilay called 

MY AUNT 

Dashall A. D. Hodges 3frs. Cobbet . . . Miss Mary Horton 

Frederick I. Aldrich Emma Miss N. Arnold 

Battle ]Sr. S. Hodges 

Soberlove D. Arnold 

To which will be added an Interlude Extract from 

THREE WEEKS AFTER MARRIAGE 

Charles Backet A. D. Hodges 

Lady Backet Miss M. Horton 

The tohole to conclude with the farce called 

THE WAGS OF WINDSOE 

Deputy Bull I. Braman Grace Gaylove. Miss Mary Horton 

Loney Mactotvtler. A. D. Hodges Lucy Miss N. Arnold 

John Lump N. S. Hodges Martha Miss S. Arnold 

Capt. Beaugard. . C. L. Grossman 

Dubbs D. Arnold 

Caleb Quotem A. D. Hodges 

In the course of the joi'ece the Songs of 

Novel Beading O By Caleb Quotem 

Parish Clerk Do. Do. 



72 THE OLD COUNTRY SCHOOL. 

The performance went off with great eclat. Everybody 
appeared to be much pleased with the entertainment ; particu- 
Lirly so were the actors and actresses. 

Tlie last time I posed as an actor at a Norton school exhib- 
ition was when I was entering into business at Providence. 
I had previousl}^ promised the master of the Centre School, 
Alvin Perry, to assist his pupils in getting up some plays at 
the end of the school term, and when the time came, although 
I was exceedingly busy, I felt bound to keep my promise. 

Mr. Perry had fitted up Wood's Hall with a well-arranged 
stage, with side scenes, rolling curtains, etc., and on the even- 
ing of April 16, 1823, a large audience assembled. The bill 
announced : 

A Favorite Play in Two Acts, called 

foktu:ne's frolic. 

To Conclude with the Laughable Farce of 
THE SPOILED CHILD. 

I took the part of Robin Roughhead in the former, and of 
Tagg in the latter play, and spoke a prologue which I found 
in one of Garrick's old play-books. My associates were my 
brother, Newton S. Hodges, Miss Lurana W. Lane (afterwards 
Mrs. Newton S. Hodges), my cousins, Thomas M., Mary J., 
and Edward R. Danforth, and other members of the school. 

It was a most enjoyable occasion. But 1 was under a 
stress of business, and resolved that tliis must be my last 
appearance on any stage. 



A COUNTRY CHILD'S EVERYDAY LIFE.* 

'';^T was perhaps in 1804, when I was about three 
^ years old, that I went with my mother to the 




funeral of Mr. Alien,! who died in the next house 
to ours, — the residence of my uncle, George 
Hodges. My mother lifted me up so that I could look into 
the casket. From what I saw, I concluded that death was a 
deep sleep with a part of the body left of the dead man, — 
that part which was visible in the coffin. And curious ques- 
tions arose in my mind. What was it to die? Why were all 
these people collected together? Why was a part of a man 
to be put in the ground ? Why was he carried away from 
his home and his family ? It seemed a confused mystery. 

Many times during my early childhood the question of real 
existence came up for settlement. Was this really myself or 
was it somebody else ? This appeared an important question. 
I often tried the pinching process to see if it was really I, and 
this generally decided the matter. 

A couple of years after Mr. Allen's funeral we lost by 
death a near and dear neighbor, the wife of Captain Elisha 
Grossman. I think my mother nursed her during a great part 
of her sickness, the fatal result of which caused a sensation 
in our neighborhood, where every one appeared to feel that 
he had lost a loving friend. I attended the funeral and 
recollect the prayer of Rev. Mr. Clarke. I remember how 
the husband wept as he took his last look at his departed 



* From the MS. of A. D. Hodges. 

t Lewis Allen died September 9, 1803. This is the only Allen death 
at this period registered in the Norton vital records. 

(73) 



74 A COUNTRY CHILD'S EVERY-DAY LIFE. 

wife, and I wondered. " Why did he cry so ? " I asked my 
mother, " she was not his mother.'^ At the age of five or six 
I thonght it singular that one should grieve so deex^ly for a 
wife. 

When about four years old, I suffered from a fever or some 
similar sickness. One Veil-remembered night seemed to me 
extraordinarily long, — so long that I asked my mother, who 
was sitting up with me, if two nights had not come together. 
She, probably not understanding my question, or perhaps 
being only partially awake, answered simply " Yes." And 
for years I was possessed with the idea that two nights had 
really come together. 

A truer natural phenomenon, which strongly impressed me 
about this period, was the total eclipse of the sun in June, 
1806. I recollect as though but j^esterday the strange ap- 
pearance of the atmosphere, the peculiar glimmer or shadow 
on the ground, the twilight, the fowls going to roost, and 
cattle coming in from the pastures, and also the great demand 
for smoked glass. I recollect also that Benajah Tucker and 
his family occupied a part of our house at this time. My 
father often rented a couple of rooms. Some years later Elias 
Cobb and his wife and small son lived with us. Mrs. Cobb 
was subject to fits, during which she would groan and scream. 
In the beginning I was greatly alarmed by her cries, which 
frequently roused me from deep sleep, but very soon I grew 
accustomed to them ; and so soon as I became aware that " it 
was only Mrs. Cobb," I fell asleep again. 

I well remember the day long famous in New England as 
"the cold Friday " — January 19, 1810 — when there was a 
remarkable change of temperature. An account from Ports- 
mouth, Rhode Island, was to the effect that the thermometer 
there at noon on Thursday stood at 42 degrees above freezing 
point, and at noon on Friday at 12 degrees below zero, a dif- 
ference of 86 degrees in 24 hours — very likely an exaggera- 
tion. A Boston paper made a difference in that place of 59| 



A COUNTRY CHILD'S EVERY-DAY LIFE. 75 

degrees in about 16 hours — from 48 degrees above zero to 
llr^ degrees below. 

From the age of about 8 to 11 years I often rose from my 
bed at night and walked about in my sleep. Sometimes the 
family were awake and my brothers or sisters tickled my ears 
with a straw, causing me extreme pain. Generally my sleep- 
walking occurred between the hours of one and three in the 
morning, and lasted until the painful sensation of cold awoke 
me. 

Often I remembered afterwards, more or less clearly, what 
I did in my sleep. Dr. Woodward, once of the Worcester 
Insane Asylum, tells me that this is very unusual. I dis- 
tinctly recollect going once to the corn-barn in this state of 
somnambulism, and piling up the pumpkins, and being greatly 
troubled because some of the turbulent vegetables would roll 
down from the pile, on purpose, as I thought, to vex me. The 
last time which I remember clearly, I arose from bed, went to 
the chamber window, crept or jumped out backwards, and 
struck upon an embankment, rolling over upon a pile of stones. 
My father, awakened by the noise and fearing that I was 
killed, rushed out of the house, picked me up and carried me 
back to my room. But I could have received only slight 
bruises, for I was out to play the next day. 

While I was still very young, my father had an apprentice- 
boy, Tom Morey, who was a great man in my estimation. 
He could catch more muskrats, rabbits and fish, and could 
shoot more crows in a season, than any other boy in town. 
But ordinary labor was his abomination, and he had his own 
peculiar ways of dodging it. The last I knew of him he 
had a large family and was trying to support it by heading 
nails. 

In the year 1808, two boys in our neighborhood, named 
Jerry and Andrew, caused a sensation by running away, and 
another sensation by suddenly re-appearing about a fortnight 
later with a watch and a gun, the possession of which was 



76 A COUNTRY CHILD'S EVERY -DAY LIFE. 

not clearly accounted for. A day behind them came an 
officer of the law with explanations. 

It appeared that the two lads had run away in search of 
their fortunes which, as we boys well understood, are always 
located under the setting sun. So they walked westward 
until they reached the Connecticut River, and then hired out 
to a farmer. But the experience of a few days convinced 
them that there was some mistake in their calculations, and 
that working for a stranger was not the easy way of getting 
rich which they had supposed ; for their employer was even 
more strict in his demands than were the jDCople at home. A 
vigorous scolding one day awakened in them feelings of un- 
fair treatment, and at night they determined (so ran the story 
of Jeny) to be revenged on the old gentleman. When all 
was quiet they arose from their beds and without waiting for 
a settlement of their wages, or to say good-by, they slipped 
out of the house and started homewards, taking with them 
the watch and the gun. 

They had not been gone two hours when their absence 
and the loss of the farmer's property were discovered. The 
neighbors were aroused, and a party of horsemen started after 
the runaways. When the boys heard the tramping of the 
horses in hot pursuit, they awoke to a full consciousness of 
what they had done, and were overwhelmed with fear and 
remorse. Jerry afterwards told me that if at tins moment his 
life could have been put back only three hours he would have 
been willing to have lost his hand, and rather thought he 
would have let his head go with it. After hesitating some 
moments in terror and confusion, they plunged into the woods 
and, going across country, eluded their pursuers ; but twenty- 
four hours elapsed before they dared show themselves at any 
house in order to obtain food. Then inspired with the simple 
desire to get back to their homes, they tramped eastward in 
constant fear, and finally reached Norton ; and here the officer 
found them and the stolen property. 



A COUNTRY CHILD'S E VERY-DAY LIFE. 77 

Master Andrew was the son of a prosperous farmer, and 
after his father had settled the matter with the officer by a 
financial operation, he got off with a severe " dressing down " 
at the hands of his irate parent. But Jerry was an orphan 
and without money, and he was put in Taunton jail. After 
he had been committed, my father took pity on the erring and 
repentant boy, and pleaded his case so effectually with the 
injured party, that the lad was released on his verbal prom- 
ise that " he would never do so again." My father brought 
Jerry back to Norton in our old chaise. It was in a way a 
repetition of the return of the prodigal son. Jerry possessed 
a great fund of humor, could play the fiddle, and was very 
popular with the other boys, who gave him a warm welcome 
on his return. 

These boys, like all the other boys in Norton, where honesty 
and truthfulness were enjoined every day by their elders, 
knew what it was to steal, and knew that they were doing 
wrong. Yet this case was complicated by the boyish impulse 
to " get even " for a fancied injustice. Despite all teachings, 
there was some confusion in our childish minds as to grada- 
tions of right and wrong, as the following personal experiences 
indicate. 

One day brother Newton (aged 9) and I (aged 10), while 
returning from school, stepped into our neighbor Woodward's 
flax-field, after he had gathered or "pulled" the plants, and 
took a few spears of flax. A young man who was passing, 
accused us of stealing flax, and said he would have us put in 
jail. This was undoubtedly done through thoughtlessness, 
for he was an excellent young fellow, but it alarmed me 
exceedingly, and for months I dreamed frequently of the 
dreaded Taunton jail. Brother Newton, however, being more 
of a philosopher than myself, did not appear to be much 
moved by the threat. 

In the winter of 1810-11, I attended the Centre District 
school and boarded with my uncle Thomas Danforth. My 



78 A COUNTRY CHILD'S E VERY-DAY LIFE. 

cousin Thomas M. Danforth was about six years old, and my 
aunt, having two younger children to attend to, was wont to 
request me to accompany Thomas to his room when he went 
to bed, and stay with him until he was asleep, — a perform- 
ance which I regarded as foolish, and managed to imbue my 
cousin with the same idea. So when Thomas was well in bed 
I asked him if he was asleep, to which he invariably replied 
" Yes," and I immediately went down stairs reporting that it 
was " all right," and salving my conscience with the theory 
that if Thomas had told a wrong story about his condition, I 
was not responsible for it. 

In June, 1813, brother Newton and I went on foot to visit 
uncle Kent Bullock in Rehoboth, a distance of about thirteen 
miles. We started in the morning and jogged along cheer- 
fully for about nine miles, and then began to tire. We 
stopped at a house where we found a kind old lady who im- 
mediately interested herself in the two small boys and their 
journey. She began at once a series of questions, working 
herself up to a high pitch about our welfare, when suddenly, 
before I realized what I was saying, the statement popped out 
of my mouth that we had walked all the way from Boston. 
I had been heretofore a truthful boy, and the moment this 
tvhopper escaped my lips, I put my hand to my face and 
found it very hot. I looked at brother Newton. He stood 
a moment with countenance overcast with an indescribably 
comic expression ; then, unable to control his features, made 
a rush for the door. I remained a few moments while the old 
lady put rapidly question after question concerning Boston. 
I then thought it prudent to bolt also, and left the old lady 
standing in an attitude of astonishment with both hands up- 
raised. We reached aunt Bullock's that night, receiving as 
always a most hearty welcome. But although the memory of 
the scene with the old lady brought only laughter and no 
remorse, I pledged my brother to lisp no word concerning it 
during our stay in Rehoboth. 



A COUNTRY CHILD'S EVERY-DAY LIFE. 79 

Whortleberry woods and barberry fields in those days were 
regarded as free to all. Hence my brother and I were very 
much surprised on one occasion, after we had gathered a 
supply of barberries in a certain pasture, at being held up by 
the owner, a man of penurious disposition and suppcjsed 
wealth, who was popularly known as " Old Bean Bag." He 
charged us with having committed a crime, and compelled us 
to carry the berries to his house, but on the way I managed to 
spill a large part of what I had collected. We were much 
provoked by his words and action, and our mother, to whom 
we related the occurrence, was very indignant. 

Somewhat later, happening to meet another boy who also 
had an old score to settle with neighbor Bean Bag, we agreed 
to combine and even up accounts. And one afternoon while 
one boy watched, two others crept into a certain corn-field. 
Not long after, the watcher saw his companions rushing from 
the field as if for dear life, nor did they stop until fully con- 
vinced that no man pursued them. Neighbor Bean Bag's 
watermelon patch was minus four large, choice melons that 
afternoon. 

We boys at the moment did not stop to consider what we 
were about, nor the risk we were running ; for we should have 
paid dear for our revenge had the old gentleman caught us. 
Moreover an act of this kind, although really a crime and 
punishable as such, was regarded by the great majority of the 
country people as a quite venial transgression. 

My father was a clothier as well as a farmer, and being 
always industrious, often kept his fulling mill going all night 
when there was an abundance of water in the brook. He 
understood so well the varying sounds of the hammers on tlie 
cloth, that the change of tone when the cloth was finished 
always roused him from his sleep ; he then arose, went to the 
mill and changed the batch of cloth, and then returned to bed 
and slept until another change was necessary. It was a pleas- 



80 A COUNTRY CHILD'S EVERY-DAY LIFE. 

ant duty for me to assist my father at the mill, performing 
such labor as a child could do, dancing upon the soaped cloth, 
turning the cloth-reel, and driving the shearing machine. 

During a part of the winter season, from 1809 to 1811, my 
mother required her children to braid straw. My task was at 
first five, and then six yards daily, which I was able to com- 
plete by noon. I should think that I have braided over 
fifteen hundred yards. The price paid for the braided straw 
was two and a half and three cents per yard. My first Bible 
was purchased with the money which I earned by this work, 
and before I was eleven years old I had read through the 
book in course. 

We boys considered straw-braiding as woman's work, as we 
did also the washing of dishes which was required of us, and 
neither of these tasks suited our fancy. But labor upon the 
farm and in the mill we liked, and as a rule performed it 
cheerfully, although at times it was quite severe and not 
without its hazards. For instance, in the fall of 1813, while 
I was splitting wood for a neighbor, the axe glanced and 
struck my instep, inflicting a severe wound which kept me in 
the house about two months. 

In November, 1811, my brother Newton and I worked for 
a short time in the Raymond cotton factory, soon after it was 
started, and continued until our school began its winter term. 
We both liked the work. We had an overseer by the name 
of Proctor, who was a perfect tyrant, but he never scolded 
either of us. We certainly tried very hard indeed to give 
satisfaction. 

Late in the autumn or early in the winter of 1812 I worked 
again in the Raymond factory, taking the place of my brother 
Jonathan in the carding-room, which I considered a promotion. 
When the school term began I did not attend, but continued 
at the factory until I was so unfortunate as to let a top card 
fall on the revolving cylinder card, doing some damage. Al- 
though the overseer did not say a word of censure to me, I 



A COUNTRY CHILD'S EVERY-DAY LIFE. 81 

was very much disturbed and discouraged, feeling that taking- 
care of the cards was a man's work and not a boy's — I was 
then not quite eleven years old — and in this I was doubtless 
correct. I resigned my situation and went to school. How- 
ever I worked afterwards in the factory, and when I stopped 
finally, in September, 1814, I had been through all the depart- 
ments from the picker to the weaving room. 

In the summer of 1813, when I was twelve years of age, 
I was able to do about half a man's task. That summer 
during haying time the men started early in the morning for 
a lot belonging to my father in " the Dean neighborhood," 
about two miles from our house. Brother Newton or I staid 
behind until my mother and sisters had prepared the dinner, 
wliich was packed into saddle-bags, and these were thrown 
across the shoulders of old Jenny, our mare. If the bags 
were not well balanced, we boys restored the equilibrium by 
adding a stone on the light side. Then we mounted the mare 
and trotted away for the Dean place, occasionally racing when 
another boy came along on a similar errand. At noon the 
dinner was served under a very large chestnut tree, and how 
good the green peas and lamb or beef tasted ! Never did 
dinner taste so good in any other place. 

Old Jenny was just my own age, and when she was willing 
to run, was very swift. I remember clearly the time when I 
beat our neighbor Arnold's boy, whose horse was quite cele- 
brated for speed. But Jenny was very peculiar in her views 
and temper and, like Falstaff, would do nothing on compul- 
sion. She was sometimes very cross when she ought to have 
been good-natured — sometimes would stand still when we 
wanted her to go, and sometimes would go when we wanted 
her to stand still. I was loading fence-rails one day in the 
apple-orchard, and took hold of the bridle to made her move 
the wagon. At first she held back and absolutely refused to 
start. Then suddenly, and most unexpectedly to me, she 
sprang forward, almost tearing herself out of the harness. 



82 COUNTRY HOLIDAYS. 

She knocked me down, ran the wheel over my foot or trod on 
me, and crushed one of my toes so badly that I was kept in 
the house a whole fortnight. But the incident left no ill 
feeling on either side. 

Country Holidays. 

The anniversary of American Independence had not been 
noticed much in Norton, or if it had been celebrated the fact 
had not been brought home to me, until the year 1810. This 
year Mr. Cobb, who occupied a part of my father's house, 
arose soon after midnight on the Fourth of July and began 
firing his old musket, keeping up this amusement until after 
sunrise, very much to our delight. This was our first cele- 
bration of the day [and the onl^/ one at Norton which is 
mentioned in these memoirs]. 

The greatest holiday of the year was the annual Regimental 
Review of the militia of the towns of Norton, Attleborough, 
Mansfield and Easton, which was held on Norton Common. 
To this we always looked forward for weeks with the greatest 
pleasurable excitement ; and it formed the topic of conversa- 
tion for weeks after it had occurred. 

It was at a regimental review, in the year 1809 or 1810, 
that I first heard a band of music, and such a band I have 
never heard since. It was the Mansfield Band led by Otis 
Allen. Their instruments, I distinctly recollect, were two 
clarinets (or one clarinet and one hautboy), two French horns, 
two bassoons and four bass drums. I followed this band 
nearly all day, keeping as close as possible to the first bassoon 
player, delighted not only by the sweet strains of music, but 
also by the player's earnest efforts to regain the mouthpiece 
of his instrument after he had stepped into an unexpected 
but not unusual hole in the ground. 

The uniform of the Norton company, of which my father 
had been captain, consisted of a certain kind of frock, so I 



COUNTRY HOLIDAYS. 83 

remember Ms sapng. I recollect well the uniform of the 
Norton Artillery company, commanded by my uncle Thomas 
Danforth : a blue coat turned up with red, the old-fashioned 
chapeau with a short black plume tipped with red, and long 
red top-boots. This was a famous company in my boyhood- 
days. 

To these trainings flocked people from the surrounding 
towns, and there were always many tents where gingerbread, 
cookies, almost all kinds of fancy articles, and liquors were 
sold. We children always took an early start in the morn- 
ing and tramped around the camp-ground, seeing all the 
sights. When we had grown very tired, we were wont to go 
to aunt Freeman's to rest. She lived near the Common, and 
her son Sanforth was captain of one of the militia companies. 
She always provided a liberal dinner for the members of her 
son's company, and after they had eaten we boys were invited 
to sit down to what was left. In case the supply ran short, 
aunt Freeman always found plenty of her good doughnuts 
for us. 

It was at her house that we saw the first great exhibition 
of skill in balancing. A man walked backward and forwaird 
a long time, without falling off, on a slack wire from one end 
of a large room to the other! This in our opinion was a 
tremendous feat — and it cost only six and one-quarter cents 
apiece to see the wonderful performance. 




APPRENTICE DAYS. 



At Noeton. 

Y first real sorrow came when my father died. He 
had always been very kind and indulgent to his 
children, and we loved him dearly. He was 
seized with the typhoid fever on the 24th of 
March, 1814, and died on Monday the 28th. I was first made 
aware of his perilous condition by the notice written by Dr. 
Morey and handed to a neighbor to be carried to tlie church, 
where, I suppose, it was read by good old Parson Clarke. 
Its words, deeply impressed upon my memory, were these : 

Jonathan Hodges and family desire your prayers, lie 
being very dangerousl}^ sick, that God would in his 
mercy restore him again to health, or fit and ])repare 
him for his Holy ^Yill. 

My mother was seized with the same disease, and was very 
sick for some ten days ; it was probably two months before 
she regained her health. This was a very sad period. 

Very soon our family began to separate. I remained at 
home for more than a year, working part of the time on the 
farm and part of the time in the cotton factory. The summer 
of 1815 I spent with my uncle Asa Danforth, helping him 
in his farm-work and weaving sheetings. In November I 
returned to my mother's house and wove bed-ticks on my own 
account. The school-term in District No. 3, beginning early, 
was finished before New Year's day, and as Master Braman 

* From the MSS. of A. D. Hodges. 

(84) 



APPRENTICE DAYS. 85 

then took another school near uncle Asa, I followed him and 
boarded with my uncle, attending school until January 27, 
1816. 

Then my uncle, who was my guardian, decided that it 
would be for my advantage to receive a har education ; and 
without any prei)aratory reading or studying, I began to prac- 
tice at the bar in the " Gilbert Tavern " in Norton, then kept 
by Eleazer Walker, Jr., a brother-in-law of my uncle. Soon I 
became equal to any old practitioner, — could heat up a flip 
or mix a gin toddy as rapidly and acceptably as any of my 
associates. I had plenty of this work for more than two 
months. But the business and the society into which I was 
thrown were never congenial, and soon became exceedingly 
disagreeable. So without consulting my guardian or any one 
else, I threw up my commission at the bar and returned to 
my mother's home, determined to obtain my living in some 
other wa}^ 

I was also determined not to remain idle, and I contracted 
with manufacturers in Mansfield and Norton to weave bed_ 
ticking. By this work during the summer of 1816 my net 
earnings, at the age of fifteen, were ten dollars per month, 
out of which I paid my mother one dollar per week for board. 

In August, the demand for bed-ticking having ceased, I 
obtained a position in the store of Daniel Smith, at Norton 
Centre, and for two months was occupied in selling molasses, 
rum, flour, tapes, muslins, dry goods and fanc}^ articles in 
general. Meantime I boarded in the family of Judge Laban 
Wheaton. The judge had just returned from Washington, 
his term of service as Congressman having expired. 

At the beginning of November, George Gilbert, who had 
recently moved from Norton to Providence where he was 
doing a grocery business, offered me a position in his new 
store. As Mr. Smith, when I made the request, consented to 
release me from my engagement with him, I A^'as able to ac- 
cept the offer. Consequentl}^ on the 7th day of November, 



86 APPRENTICE DAYS. 

1816, I bade good-bye to my mother and to old Norton and 
started for Providence.* 

At Providence. 

There was no stage or other reguLir conveyance from Nor- 
ton to Providence ; but an acquaintance, Mr. Isaac Hall, was 
going to the last-named town with a load of hay and invited 
me to ride with him. We started very early in the morning 
and drove as far as Seekonk Plains. There the wagon was 
turned over to another driver, but Mr. Hall took one of tlie 
horses, and on this he and I rode " double-jaded " until we 
had crossed Seekonk upper bridge. Thinking it not quite 
prudent to make my entrance into Providence in this manner, 
I walked the rest of the way. I went at once to Mr. Gilbert's 
store, where I found two other clerks who outranked me, 
Minor S. Lincoln and John J. Stimson. 

I discovered, however, that there was some misunderstand- 
ing about my special duties. I had been told by Mr. Gilbert, 
when we made the engagement, that Mrs. Gilbert would 
probably desire my assistance in some few matters at the 
house, to which I readily assented ; but as it turned out, my 
employment was almost altogether as a domestic helper, and 
about my only duty at the store was to go thither and call 
the young gentlemen to a hot dinner at the house. Although 
I felt then, and still feel, that this was not in the bargain, and 
that I was not being treated fairly, I bore my honors as 

* Xov. 7, 1860. Wednesday. Celebrated this evening the 50tii anni- 
versary of my leaving old Norton for Providence, to reside with the late 
George Gilbert, vrho kept a grocery store where the Franklin House now 
stands. Present : Jane, Danforth and his wife and their two children — 
Almon D., 2d, and Martha, — Amory, Edward, Almira Winslow, Mr. and 
Mrs. W. H. Brackett, Louisa Brackett, Ann McCabe and Margaret Quirk. 
[Journal of A. D. II.] 

Almira Winslow was housekeeper, and Ann McCabe and Margaret 
Quirk were servants. 



APPRENTICE DAYS. 87 

Kitchen Colonel meekly and without a murmur, hoping for a 
good time coming. Mrs. Gilbert and her daughter Hannah 
were both very good to me and appeared to take an interest 
in my welfare, making my position easy, if not pleasiint ; I 
have never forgotten their kindness. Both passed through 
serious troubles in tlieir lives, and both have gone to the 
spirit world. Peace be to their memories. 

I labored faithfully at the house until the next spring, when 
Mr. Lincoln went to Boston to live. Mr. Caesar Dockray, a 
colored gentleman, took my position, and I was promoted to 
be second clerk in the grocery store. This store was a ten- 
footer on the site occupied later by the Franklin House. 
My position now was a pleasant one and so continued, and 
my fellow-clerk, Mr. Stimson, proved to be a most agreeable 
companion and associate. 

The principal event which occurred at Providence in 1817 
was the visit of the President of the United States, James 
Monroe, who made a tour through the New England States, 
inaugurating the " Era of Good Feeling," He arrived — or 
departed — in June, in the little steamboat Fire-Fly^ the first 
steam vessel which ever entered Providence River. I had 
the pleasure of making my first steam voyage in that little 
craft. 



To the Editors of the Evening Post :* 

In the days of ray childhood I witnessed in the old Providence 
(R. I.) Theatre, an old wooden building where now stands Grace 
Church, the first theatrical rei^resentation of my youthful daj's. 
The plays were " The Wags of Windsor " and " The Day after 
the Wedding." The character of Caleb Qiiotem was by Mr. Drum- 
mond, whose recent death was noticed in the Evening Eost, and 
Colonel Freelove and Lady Elizabeth^ by Mr. and Mrs. Drum- 
mond ; and oh, how charming and delightful was that evening ! 

* Letter printed in the New York Evening Post of March 16, IfcTl. 



88 APPRENTICE DAYS. 

No other play or players ever came up to the performances of 
that night, according to ray childish fancy. 

A separation — if I remember rightly — soon after took place 
between the parties, and the}' could not have been long married 
when I first saw them as above stated. JVIr. Drummond I have 
never seen since. Mrs. Drummond (afterwards ]\Irs. George Bar- 
rett) became a great favorite — and she was really a fine actress — 
at the old Federal Street and Tremont theatres in Boston, and 
also at Mr. Kimball's Museum, where she ended her theatrical life. 
She passed awaj'^ some twelve to fifteen years since. I still hold 
in delightful remembrance my first night at the theatre, Avhen 
everything was of the color of the rose. 

I was pleased to learn that Mv. Drummond was provided for in 
his old age and his dying hours at the House of Incurables, and 
that Edwin Booth showed his kindness of heart in remembering 
and providing for him. 

I have witnessed, since that time, the performances of some of 
the greatest artists of this century — the elder Kean, the elder 
Wallack, Cooper, CouAvay, Macready, the Booths, Mrs. Powell, 
Mrs. Duff, Fanny Kemble, Ellen Tree, and a great man}' other 
celebrities — but no acting can approach, according to my youth- 
ful fancy, that first performance which I saw in the old Providence 
Theatre in April, 1817, fifty -four years ago. a. d. h. 

Boston, March 10, 1871. 



To the Editor of the Journal:* 

As you frequently publish in your valuable Journal the recollec- 
tions of your correspondents of the olden time, I take the liberty 
to hand you some pleasant memories of by-gone days. The recol- 
lections of your flourishing city are the most charming of my 
youthful associations, and bear the true color of the rose and the 
violet. They run back to the time when Providence contained a 
population of less than ten thousand, to the times when j-our 
good old citizens wore the hair done up in a "queue," silk stock- 

* Letter printed in the Providence Journal of June 9, 1S59. 



APPRENTICE DAYS. 89 

ings and shoe- and knee-buckles ; when the Benevolent Congre- 
gational Church had a steeple at each end ; when the " Turk's 
head" frowned near the junction of Weybosset and Westmin- 
ister streets; to the great gale of September, 1815; and to the 
old " great bridge," which in that gale was carried away by the 
ship Ganges that remained in your cove, with her ribs so long 
exposed to the wind and weather. They go back to your vener- 
able old Town House, where your citizens held their caucuses and 
town meetings, whose old walls have reverberated to the eloquence 
of James Burrill, Tristam Burgess, Nathaniel Searle and many 
others who have passed away, and to the charming voice of John 
Whipple who is still in the land of the living. 

I well remember the exciting times of the last war with England 
and of the general elections of 1816 and 1817. The last-named 
year you had in your State a very interesting and stirring time in 
the election of Governor. The candidates were William Jones, 
Federal, and Nehemiah R. Knight, Republican, whose party did 
not then like the name of Democrat. Governor Knight was the 
successful candidate by a small majority. Well do I recollect 
sitting in that old gallery with other boys of my age, watching 
with intense interest the " proxes " as they went into the ballot 
box ; and woe to the boy who dared to say anything disrespectful 
to a vote or voter for our side. Governor Jones was the popular 
candidate of your city and of the boys in the gallery. Those times 
have passed away, and so have nearly all of the men who took an 
active part in the election of that year. You still have with you a 
good and valuable citizen,* who has been a business man on the 
same street and near the same spot, if not in the same store, and 

* Advertisement in the Providence Daily Press of June 9, 1859 : — 

INSTITUTED IN PROVIDENCE, R. I., 

-*- June 9, 1809. 

SO 50th Auuiveriiiary, June 9. 1839. 30 

JOHN BARNET CHACE takes this public oppor- 
tunity to thank his khul hearted* customers for their 
Steadfastness in sustaining his Family Grocery Institu- 
tion, which has now been in unceasing operation for 

HALF A CENTURY. 

*What is Fame bidding envy defiance, 
The idol and bane of mankind — 
What is wit — what is learning or science 
To the HEART, that is steadfast and kind? 

— Cottle. 



90 APPRENTICE DAYS. 

who has gone along in the even tenor of his way, a great many- 
years ; who, if I mistake not, can celebrate the fiftieth anniversary 
of his business life on the 9th day of June, 1859 ; and who, in 
whatever position he has been placed, has acted well his part — a 
good merchant, a good citizen, a good fireman, a good soldier, and 
a good churchman ; whom I never meet without a cheerful greet- 
ing that makes me feel happy for a whole day afterwards. 

Your " great bridge " was a pleasant place in the olden time for 
merry meetings and greetings at twilight on a summer's evening, 
and many a pleasant story has been told there. David Grieve 
was sure to have an audience, and but few men ever told a story 
with equal effect. I have always supposed that he was the orig- 
inator of the screw propeller. His " screw- tail steamboat " was 
the cause of a great amount of fun among the Providence boys 
of the old days.* 

I hoi^e to retain for many a long year my pleasant recollections 
of your city, and truly feel like exclaiming, " Oh, the delightful 
days of boyhood, how soon, how soon they passed away." 

Boston, 3Iay 25, 1859. a. d. h. 

At Boston. 

In the summer of 1818, hearing that the firm of John D. 
& M. Williams of Boston wanted a lad in their store, I con- 
ceived a very strong desire to obtain the place. Mr. Gilbert 
wrote a letter in my behalf, and later, when in Boston, called 



* About the middle of August, 1807, David Grieve of Providence 
made a public trial trip vritli a vessel using a screvp propeller actuated 
by horse povper, eight horses being used. According to another account 
the motive power was a yoke of oxen. The vessel, which was about 100 
feet long by 20 beam, started from Jackson's wharf, on Eddy's Point, 
bound for the village of Pawtuxet, and with wind and tide in her favor 
made a speed of four knots an hour. It was conceded at once that she 
had triumphed, and all were happy. On the return a gust of wind 
drove the boat upon the mud flats off South Providence, where she lay 
all night — such was the end of the discovery, [FieWs State of Rhode 
Island and Providence Plantations, II : 511.] 



APPRENTICE DAYS. 91 

on the firm. His report being encouraging, I went to Boston* 
and applied in person, and the details of the trip are still 
clear in my memory. I walked into the store, examining it 
carefully, and asked Mr. Moses Williams, who was writing at 
a desk, the price of oranges, wliich I supposed they did not 
keep. Some conversation followed, and finally, Mr. John D. 
Williams also being present, I introduced myself. Both 
members of the firm asked me various questions which I 
endeavored to answer promptly, and I tried to show by my 
replies that I was desirous of obtaining the place and was 
willing to work faithfully. They bade me call again later in 
the day, and when I did so, it was agreed that if, after a trial, 
we should be mutually satisfied, I was to live with them un- 
til I was twenty-one. My wages were to be, in addition to 
my board, $110 for the first year, |120 for the second year, 
and .iJllO for the third year. The fourth year I received iiSOO 
and board, considered to be the equivalent of 1500. 

I returned to Providence the next day, settled up my affairs 
there, and then went to Norton to visit my mother and tell 
her the good news. 

On the fifteenth day of July, 1818, I had my trunk packed 
at my mother's house early in the morning. The process of 
packing did not require much time, as my wardrobe was not 
extensive, — few boys at the present day would be content 
with such an outfit, — but it was sufficient for all necessary 
purposes. Brother Newton carried me and my belongings in 
our chaise about four miles to the old Taunton and Boston 
road, and there left me. I placed my trunk on a wall and 



* 1870, March 15. When I came to Boston in July, 1818, to obtain a 
situation with J. D. & M. Williams, Thomas S. Metcalf, a fruit dealer of 
Providence, who was going to Boston to purchase a load of oranges, 
brought me along in his wagon. To-day I see in a Boston paper a notice 
of his death, about March 1, in Augusta, Georgia, at the age of 72. He 
has failed once or twice in Augusta, but at times has been the richest 
man in the State. Grandmother [mother-in-law] Comstock said that he 
once peddled candy on a board in Providence. [Journal of A. D. H.] 



92 APPRENTICE DAYS. 

awaited the arrival of the stage from Taunton. This soon 
appeared. I mounted the box beside the driver, and, although 
the air was heavy with a disagreeable smoke, began the most 
delightful journey of my life, my heart ovei-flowing with joy 
and my mind filled with the brightest anticipations.* 

I arrived at the store in Boston about six o'clock in the 
evening and received a cordial welcome. I was informed 
that I was to board in the family of Mr. John D. Williams, 
and my new home proved to be a very pleasant one. I was 
also invited by Mr. Williams to attend the Hollis Street 
Church, and of course accepted the invitation and went to 
this church on Sundays with the family. The minister was 
Rev. Horace Holley, an eloquent preacher. He was very 
popular, and when he was called later in the year to the 
presidency of the Transylvania University in Kentucky, his 
request for dismission was granted with reluctance by his 
church. His place was taken the next year by Rev. John 
Pierj)ont, a man of unusual ability. 

The family of John Davis Williams consisted of himself and 
his wife, Hannah (Weld) ; three sons, John D. W., George 
Foster and David Weld ; and four daughters, Hannah Weld, 
Sarah Ann, Mary Elizabeth and Caroline E. Mr. Williams, 



* References to the exceeding joy of this journey are very frequent in 
the Journal and in later years were made on each recurring anniversary 
of the day. On July 15, 1872, for example, is this entry : " The 54th 
anniversary of my going from George Gilbert's employ into the employ 
of J. D. & M. Williams — a day which I shall never forget. It was a very 
happy change in my life ; everything partook of the colour of the rose. 
The change to me was delightful, although the labour in the new store 
was not light nor the number of hours small, — say from 5 in the morn- 
ing until 9 at night. Still everything went so pleasantly. I look upon 
this period as the most cheerful of my life, — I was young, hopeful and 
trustful. Could we only realize in after-life our youthful dreams, how 
delightful it would be." 

"July 15, 1876. This is the 5Sth anniversary of my going from Provi- 
dence to Boston and beginning with John D. & M. Williams ; ayid loas I 
not happy ! " 




MOSES WILLIAMS. 



APPRENTICE DAYS. 93 

tlien forty-eight years old, was a man of benevolence, strict 
honesty and stern integrity. Although he had his peculiar- 
ities, as indeed we all have, he was a good man to be with. 
Mrs. Williams was an excellent woman, who made her home 
cheerful and pleasant, and treated me with kindness. She 
died February 11, 1824. Hannah W. Williams was about 
my own age, there being only a week's difference ; she mar- 
ried, in 1832, Jonathan French, Jr. Sarah Ann Williams 
married October 19, 1826, Robert Davis Coolidge Merry. 
Mary E. Williams married, in 1845, Dr. G. Henry Lodge and 
lived on the Neck close to the site of the old store. Caroline 
E. Williams died March 13, 1819, aged about two and a half 
years. 

Moses Williams, then twenty-eight years of age, was a most 
excellent man, and was more of a companion than a master. 
With him I formed a life-long friendship.* In November of 
this year he married Miss Mary Blake, daughter of Thomas 
Blake. The wedding, at which Rev. W. F. P. Greenwood 
officiated, took place at the house of the bride's father, and I 
was invited and attended. Mr. and Mrs. Moses Williams 
took a house on Orange Street, now Washington Street, near 
where Dover Street now runs, and here their first child, 
Moses Blake Williams, was born October 20, 1820. On May 
19, 1819, I went to board with them, and staid until they 
moved, in November, 1821, to Mr. D. Dudley's place. Then 
I returned to my former room in the third story of the house 
of Mr. John D. Williams, f 

* For many years it was the regular custom of A. D. Hodges to visit 
Moses Williams on July 15 — the anniversary of his entering into the 
employ of the firm — a custom ended only by death. And for many 
years on Christmas Day the firm sent a case of champagne to their 
former clerk. 

t The residence of Mr. John D. Williams stood on the easterly side of 
Washington Street where now (1909) is the northerly corner of the Cathe- 
dral of the Holy Cross. It was a large three-story brick house with base- 
ment, one end being on the street line, having its main entrance on the 



94 APPRENTICE DAYS. 

My position was indeed pleasant. There was plenty of 
hard work, but everytliing went on cheerfully. We labored 
at the store from five o'clock in the morning until about ten 
o'clock at night, sometimes till a later hour. My part was to 
put up goods, fill wine-casks and make myself generally use- 
ful during the day, and, when evening came, to copy letters 
as they were written by the head of the firm. Mr. J. D. 
Williams was a pious man, yet he was so much engrossed 
in business that he frequently invited me to go to the store 
and copy his letters on Sunday evenings. This continued 
for nearly a year, and then the practice was abandoned. In- 
deed as time went on, evening work on week-days was not 



south front. At this front was a garden which extended from Washing- 
ton Street easterly to the water line, where now is Harrison Avenue. 
Next north was the house of Daniel Weld, very similar in appearance, 
and still standing on the Cathedral lot at the southeast corner of Wash- 
ington and Union Park Streets. 

The store stood opposite the house on the westerly side of Washing- 
ton Street, just north of where the brick houses of Dr. G. H. Lodge and 
Mr. Barney Corey stood later. The store and land belonging to it oc- 
cupied a large part of the block on the north side of the present Pelham 
Street, extending north nearly to Union Park Street. 

Both the house and the store of J. D. Williams were painted green — 
his favorite color. The so-called " Green Stores " were farther north on 
Washington Street at the southeast corner of Dover Street, and did not 
belong to Mr. Williams, as ShurtlefE, in his Topographical History of 
Boston, supposed. 

Mi's. James B. Case (Laura L. Williams), daughter of Mr. Moses Wil- 
liams, now living in Boston, possesses photographs of the house and the 
store which are reproduced here. 

The house which Mr. Moses Williams rented at marriage was No. 5 
Orange Street. At this date, and until 1824, the thorouglifare now 
called for its full length Washington Street, bore the following names, 
beginning in Roxbury and proceeding northerly: — from Roxbury to a 
point at or near the last bend just south of Dover Street, Washington 
Street; thence to Essex Street, Orange Street; thence to Summer Street, 
Newbury Street; thence to School Street, Marlborough Street; and thence 
to Dock Square, Cornhill. 

The D. Dudley place to which Mr. Moses Williams moved in 1821 stood 
at the corner of Washington Street and what is now South May Street. 




It 1T- 

imWs 
SSS 






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1 l-Tj 


SS! 




1 i ^ 








flMMI 


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i I 


; i.K, 1 1; 





APPRENTICE DAYS. 95 

always demanded, giving opportunity for occasional diver- 
sion. 

The business was carried on every week-day in the year. 
There were no stated vacations, but when trade permitted 
and occasion arose, the clerks were allowed not unfrequently 
to be absent a day or several days, and thus were able to visit 
their homes or take other pleasure trips. It was a friendly 
family arrangement all around. 

There were no regular holidays for us all except Sundays. 
We usually closed the store part of the day on Christmas,* 
and always in the afternoon of General Election, the last 
Wednesday in May, when the legislature convened, until the 
State Constitution was altered. Tliis was generally regarded 
as a holiday throughout the State, and especially in Boston. 
Artillery Election, the first Monday in June, — the great cele- 
bration of the Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company 
which was then a flourishing organization, — was another 
occasion when places of business were usually closed, and we 
had a part of the day, sometimes almost the whole day, to 
ourselves. And the same was the case on Independence 
Day. Harvard College Commencement Day and Fast Day 
were often partial holidays. When we were obliged to 
" train," we were of course excused from the store so long as 
necessary. 

During my stay in Boston I saw several executions on the 
Neck, not far from the spot which was afterwards Blackstone 
Square. The rush of people on such occasions was so great 
that we shut up the store for two or three hours. It was in 
November, 1819, I think, that I saw four pirates hung, and 
on May 25, 1820, I witnessed the execution of Mike Powers 
for the murder of his nephew. But after I had seen a few 



* 1874, Dec. 25. 56 years ago today I, with George May and many 
others of the South End, skated up to Woburn on the Middlesex Canal. 
^Journal of A. D. if.] 



96 APPRENTICE DAYS. 

such sights and had grown out of boyhood, I could not be 
induced to attend an exhibition of this kind. 

]\Ir. John D. Williams had the habit of alluding frequently 
to the performance of a smart young man, Harry Hills, who 
was with him when lie began business, and who did once 
upon a time " beat up," that is, empty and rebarrel, a hogs- 
head of sugar before breakfast. This was considered a good 
morning^s work, and there was no doubt about its being 
so. This story, often repeated, at length aroused in me 
the determination to out-do Harry Hills. When, one April 
morning, Mr. Williams directed me to begin early the next 
morning to take out some hogshead-sugar and marked two 
hogsheads, saying that to beat up these would probably 
be a good day's work, I decided that my opportunity had 
come. 

I arose soon after midnight and began my task. I had all 
the sugar taken out of both hogsheads, put into barrels, and 
all the barrels headed up, excejjt one to show what I had 
done, before Mr. Williams came into the store early in the 
morning. The first thing which caught his eye was the two 
large empty hogsheads. " What upon earth have you done 
with the sugar that was in those hogsheads last night," he 
exclaimed, " and how did you do it ? " I replied that I arose 
quite early, and as I didn't consider it much of a job, I 
thought I would finish it before breakfast. The old gentle- 
man appeared much pleased ; and never again did we hear of 
Harry Hills' great exploit. 

On the first day of March, 1819, I began a diary which I 
have continued to the present time (1855).* On referring to 
this diary, I find recorded commonplace events ; yet I like to 
read it over, as it recalls to my mind many pleasant things. 
In writing these lines I shall refer to it frequently to refresh 



* It was continued systematically throughout life. The last entry was 
made less than twelve hours before death. 



APPRENTICE DAYS. 97 

my memory of past events, and I shall make entries from it 
as I find them recorded. 

In July, 1819, while I was at work in the back store, I 
noticed three men passing down to the rear of the building, 
two of whom were of such suspicious appearance that I 
stepped out of the store to the fence, and watched them 
through the palings. I saw the party stop and play cards, 
and it soon became clear that two of them were cheating the 
third, who evidently was a countryman and who was fast los- 
ing his money. When his money was gone, the victim was 
induced to put up his watch which the others claimed to have 
won, whereupon ensued a loud, wordy dispute. Finally as 
the pair seized the watch and started off with it, I shouted 
lustily for them to stop and made after them. One succeeded 
in getting away, but I caught the other, Lynfield by name, 
and, with the aid of Gridley Bridge, a truckman who came to 
my assistance, managed to hold him. The result was that 
Lynfield was brought to trial, found guilty of the charges, 
chiefly on my evidence in court corroborated by the testimony 
of Bridge, and sentenced to imprisonment for about a year. 
A couple of years later Bridge, being in a low resort, received 
a severe beating from Lynfield who thus took revenge for 
Bridge's part in his conviction. So much for keeping bad 
company. As I visited no such places I escaped the malice 
of this convict ; but the affair served as a warning to me to 
be cautious where I went, and also as to the company which I 
should not keep. 

The first and only time I recollect going to a horse-race was 
in September, 1820, at Cambridge. An old neighbor in Attle- 
borough, Benjamin Balcom, had a noted horse named Watch- 
eye, which was a competitor ; he was at the beginning of the 
race the favorite, and was first in one of the heats. The 
contest was close, but Watcheye was defeated in the end. 
Although I found the event interesting and exciting, I noticed 
that only few persons of evident respectability were present. 



98 APPRENTICE DAYS. 

while by far the greater number were not of the kind of 
which I could be proud, or with which I should wish to 
associate ; and I came to the conclusion that it was not any 
recommendation to a young man who valued his good name 
to attend these races, 

I made very many pleasant acquaintances and formed many 
friendships during my stay in Boston. Mr. Isaac Clark, a 
cousin of my Providence friend John J. Stimson, was in the 
employ of the firm when I arrived. In 1822, John L. 
Emmons, afterwards my business partner, became a clerk in 
the store. I renewed my acquaintance with Minor S. Lincoln, 
who had been with me at George Gilbert's in Providence. 
But the number is too great for enumeration. Many friends 
from Norton and Providence came to visit Boston and some 
remained here. My employers introduced me to many de- 
lightful families where I met many delightful ladies as well 
as members of my own sex. I had many opportunities for 
social pleasures of which, being fond of music and dancing 
and society, I availed myself, perhaps to too great an extent 
for a young man in my position. I have already stated my 
salary. My expenses for the year ending July 1, 1821, were 
$81.67 ; for the year ending July 1, 1822 (including my 
uniform), ti^lOO.OO. When I had been in Boston three years, 
my savings amounted to forty dollars, which I deposited in 
the savings bank. At the end of my service with the firm of 
J. D. & M. Williams, on the first of April, 1823, the balance 
of wages due me was just two hundred dollars. 

I had felt at various times that my book-learning was not 
so adequate to the requirements of a business man as it had 
seemed when I left school, or as extensive as I could desire. 
So on New Year's day, 1821, I made a good resolution, and 
arising at three o'clock in the morning, studied two hours 
before going to the store. This custom of beginning the day 
with an hour or two of study I maintained for a long time 
with considerable regularity. That the extra hours of work 



APPRENTICE DAYS. 99 

did not seriously injure my health and powers of endurance 
would appear from the fact that on January 4, 1822 (as the 
diary tells), I won fifty cents of Daniel Weld by standing one 
hour without an overcoat in the middle of the street on the 
Neck, facing the north, the thermometer being at eight de- 
grees below zero. 

I also wrote several articles for the New England Galaxy 
(to which periodical I subscribed), and a couple of my offer- 
ings were accepted and printed. Whenever a speaker of note 
delivered an oration, I was present if it was possible. 

Through the kindness of friends I was able occasionally to 
attend the rehearsals and oratorios of the Handel and Haydn 
Society during my last two years in Boston. This was a great 
treat for me. My uncle, Thomas Danforth, was an enthusi- 
astic musician, and perhaps from him I had acquired a love 
of music wliich I had had few opportunities to satisfy since 
leaving Norton. 

The principal — in the beginning at least almost the only — 
public place of amusement for me was the theatre ; for there 
were few concerts and no lectures or other attractions of 
unexceptional character. I went to the theatre half a dozen 
times a year, besides going to see the afterpieces the price of 
admission to which was much lowered. I went generally 
to the Federal Street theatre — for the first time in October, 
1818, when I saw the play of " John Bull or the Englishman's 
Friend," which deeply impressed me. I also went several 
times to the new Washington Garden theatre, called the 
Amphitheatre, and once or twice to the Columbian Museum. 
I saw all, or nearly all, the principal actors who came to 
Boston in that period. On February 19, 1821, I saw Edmund 
Kean play Hamlet in the Federal Street theatre. The older 
people said that he was the greatest actor on the stage since 
the days of Garrick. At Kean's benefit the box-tickets sold 
at auction for four dollars and thirty-three cents each, an un- 
heard-of price for those days. I bought a ticket for the pit 



100 APPRENTICE DAYS. 

at fifty cents, which was as much as I thought I could afford. 
I was very indignant on May 25, 1821, when Kean refused 
to phiy before a respectful audience because the house was 
not filled, and left Boston the next day amid great excite- 
ment ; but on the 28th of the same month I went to see the 
" Determined Rival of Kean " (Kemble), and laughed my 
indignation away. 

Those were the days of glory of the old Federal Street 
theatre. They were the days of Edmund Kean, Thomas A. 
Cooper, J. W. Wallack, — how splendidly Mr. W. played 
Rolla^ — of Conway, Finn, Kilner, Mrs. Powell, Mrs. Barnes 
and Mr. and Mrs. I. Barnes, Bernard the elder, Dickson, and 
a host of other popular actors. One actor whom I saw there 
for the first time in the play of " John Bull," mentioned 
above, when he performed the part of Dan, was that old Bos- 
ton favorite, John Bray. He pleased my youthful fancy so 
exceedingly that my memory seems to find in no one since his 
day his equal in certain lines of character. (I beg pardon, 
Mr. Warren,* for this remark.) How he would delight the 
children and youth, and how he would bring down the house 
by liis drolling and exquisite comic acting ! His very ap- 
pearance on the stage, before he had uttered a word, would 
set the house in a roar. He resided in this country for seven- 
teen years, and then, on account of a complicated disease, 
went back to England in hopes of finding health on her shores. 
But the journey exhausted him, and on June 19, 1822, the 
third day after reaching the house of a sister in Leeds, this 
well-graced actor made his final exit. He possessed superior 
talents as an author and musical composer. Several of his 
songs were very popular here. He left behind him in man- 
usciipt a number of dramas and translations. Years after- 
wards I met one of his relations and read with interest a play 
translated from the French by this well-educated actor. 

* William Warren of the Boston Museum company. 



APPRENTICE DAYS. 101 

I was allowed to visit my mother in Norton not unfre- 
quently,* and occasionally my old master, Mr. Gilbert, in 
Providence. At both places I always received a warm wel- 
come and kind hospitality ; and always meeting many old 
friends, these trips were ever made delightful. I find that 
when I had been in Boston three years, I had passed from 
Norton to Boston thirteen times. Once or twice I made the 
trip in a vehicle. Usually I went on foot for the greater part 
of the way — a couple of times all the way — starting at 
3.30 or 4 o'clock in the morning and walking until about 
noon, when I would stop at some tavern for my dinner and 
finish my journey on the stage-coach when it came along. 
Thus on Saturday, June 13, 1821, I started from Boston at 
three o'clock in the morning and walked to Policy's tavern (in 
Walpole), where I dined at noon, riding the remaining twelve 
miles to Providence on the stage. I stopped at Mr. Gilbert's, 
and in the evening went out walking with a party of friends. 
On Tuesday I went to Norton to visit my mother, and then, 
on Saturday, to Taunton to stay over Sunday with George 
Morey. On Monday, July 2, I started from Taunton and 
walked as far as Bugbee's tavern in Roxbury, and then took 
the stage into Boston. Occasionally some acquaintance, over- 
taking me, gave me a lift. I was fond of walking and never 
was so tired, on getting to my destination, as to be unable to 
join in any jollity which might then be proposed. 

In the fall of 1819 I was served with the following notice 
which I have preserved among my papers. Apparently I did 
not give sufficient heed to this notice, for among my papers I 
find a second. (See following pages.) 

* His diary and account book show that he ahnost always carried or 
forwarded some present to his mother or his brothers and sisters; now 
and then to a friend. And he often received from liis mother a present, 
generally an useful article, a pair of stockings, for instance. 




NOTICE TO APPEAR FOR MILITIA DUTY. 

(102) 



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(103) 



104 



APPRENTICE DAYS. 



A third notice, received in the Spring of 1820, obtained my 
prompt attention. It read as follows : — 



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Accordingly on May 2, 1820, I made my first appearance 
on the field as a soldier, having been furnished at the store 



APPRENTICE DAYS. 105 

with the lawful equipment, wliich included a large old- 
fashioned musket, weighing about ten pounds, of the kind 
called " the old Queen's arms." 

At this jDcriod all men of the age of eighteen to forty-five, 
with some exceptions, were obliged to " bear arms," as it was 
termed ; and those who did not do duty in a volunteer or 
" independent " company, were " warned " to " train " in a 
" standing " or " ward " militia company. 

Our captain's company, nicknamed " Silver Heels " and 
" South-end Rakes," was a mixed and motley crew. His 
" beat " extended over a large territory and included all 
South Boston, whose residents at this time were largely 
brickmakers. As these came on the ground in their working 
dress, we were very fortunate if at the end of the drill we 
were not well " clayed up." We South End boys generally 
managed to get together in the ranks without regard to our 
heights. The trainings were apt to be complete burlesques, 
and were abolished in Massachusetts in 1835, I think. But 
we enjoyed them greatly, as they were always occasions for 
much sport and laughter. Captain Harrington was most 
pleasant and amiable, and not very particular about sizing his 
company ; and if one soldier very short stood beside another 
very tall, this did not appear to him to be a matter of much 
moment. 

The next year a number of the young men at the South 
End decided that it would be decidedly pleasanter and 
altogether better to train by themselves. This decision 
resulted in the formation of a company called, first. The 
Suffolk Light Infantry, and a little later. The Boston City 
Guards. 

On the first day of May, 1821, in an old red store occupied 
by Savels & Reynolds and situated in front of the gas house 
on the Neck, I drew up a proposition for an Independent 
Company. The heading of the paper read nearly as fol- 
lows : — 



106 APPRENTICE DAYS. 

We the Undersigned agree to form an Independent Company 
to be raised hj the Young Men at the South End of Boston, Pro- 
vided a Sufficient Number of Signatures can be obtained. We 
fui'ther agree tliat one object in forming this association is to raise 
a Company to be conducted upon the most economical Plan. It 
is understood that the Uniform is to be Dark Blue Coats, White 
pants and the Common Hats. 

The paper was signed by about forty persons, of whom only 
about seventeen became afterwards active members of the 
corps. Our first meeting was held on May 15, at William 
Fenno's eating house on School Street. I was elected chair- 
man, and although without previous experience, managed 
to direct the proceedings satisfactorily. About twenty-five 
signers to the paper were present. A committee, consisting 
of John A. Savels (chairman), A. D. Hodges and John 
Marsh, was appointed to draw up a petition to the Governor 
and Council for a charter, and was requested to secure the 
approval of the project by Col. Samuel H. Parker and other 
officers of the 3rd regiment of militia. 

John A. Savels, who was indefatigable in his efforts to 
make the project a success, drew up the petition, which re- 
ceived over fifty signatures. The committee visited Colonel 
Parker and the other field officers of his regiment, and ob- 
tained their assent and aid. Then the committee, supported 
by others who were interested, went before the Governor and 
Council, and were granted a charter for The Suffolk Light 
Infantry. 

In August, 1821, the West Point Cadets, under command 
of Major Worth, visited Boston, and their arrival increased 
the military ardor of the young men here. The corps en- 
camped on Faxon's Hill, Roxbury, on the south side of what 
is now Tremont Street. Their camp was just opposite the 
famous Brinley place, where General Henry Dearborn then 
resided, and where the Church of Our Lady of Perpetual Help 



APPRENTICE DAYS. 107 

now stands.* A number of us visited their camp and studied 
their drill and discipline. And such drill I such discipline ! 
They were a revelation to us. 

After the charter had been obtained, a committee was ap- 
pointed to nominate the commissioned officers. This com- 
mittee, consisting of John A. Savels, Amos Cummings and 
John Whitney, called on John Farrel, Jr., a sergeant of the 
Winslow Blues, and offered him the command ; but after 
deliberation this gentleman declined the proposition to be- 
come a candidate for the captaincy. Then the committee 
waited on John S. Tyler, orderly sergeant of the Boston 
Light Infantry. He consented, and also suggested the names 
of William A. Dickerman and of Henry A. Huggeford (a 
corporal of his company) for the offices of lieutenant and of 
ensign. The committee nominated all three. 

On the evening of Sejjtember 21, the company was called 
together at Fenno's for the election of officers. Lieutenant- 
colonel Ralph Huntington of the 3rd Regiment presided, and 
Adjutant Richardson acted as recorder. The following were 
elected unanimously: John S. Tyler, captain; William A. 
Dickerman, lieutenant; Henry A. Huggeford, ensiyn. 

Captain Tjder was notified of his election, and being brought 
to the meeting, made a patriotic speech in Ms usual happy 
manner. 

The company then elected the following warrant officers : 
John Marsh, 1st se7'geant ; John A. Savels, 2d do. ; Amos 
Cummings,! 3d do. ; Almon D. Hodges, 4^A do. ; James Gush- 
ing, 1st corporal ; John Whitney, 2d do. ; Isaac Nevers, 3d do. ; 
Wm. E. Chamberlain, 4^7i do. 

* A detailed description of the Brinley place and an account of this 
visit of the West Point Cadets are given in Drake's Toion of Roxbury, 
pages 326 to 337. 

t 1868, April 24. Died this day in Boston Amos Cummings, president 
of the Boylston Bank, the last survivor (except myself) of the non- 
commissioned officers of the old City Guards in 1822. [Journal of 
A. D. H.] 



108 



APPRENTICE DAYS. 



O 

I 






The three first-named officers received their commissions on 
Saturday, September 22 ; and on the following Monday the 
company turned out in citizen's dress in the Boston brigade 
for inspection and review. 

Now began a series of frequent drills and exercises and 
marches, — these last sometimes extending over a space of 
several days, — by which the company was brought rapidly 
into excellent military shape. 



APPRENTICE DAYS. 109 

On October 13, it was voted to adopt the uniform of gray 
coat, wliite pants and cap with plume,* after the fashion of 
the West Point Cadets. On March 4, 1822, by unanimous 
vote the name of the company was changed from The Suffolk 
Light Infantry to The City Guards, under which appellation 
it had a long and successful career. [At the time of the 
Civil War it formed the nucleus of the 13th Massachusetts 
Infantry, a gallant three-years regiment.] 

The City Guards made their first appearance in public on 
April 17, 1822, when they acted as escort at the funeral of 
General Porter. They made their first public parade on May 
1, 1822, under command of Captain Tyler, with the Brigade 
Band, at the inauguration of Boston's first mayor, John 
Phillips. They were all young men, the captain, who was 26 
years of age, being the eldest. There were seventy-five men 
present, who turned out as a battalion, and I acted as captain 
of the fourth company. After the parade the company dined 
at the Exchange Coffee House by invitation of the commis- 
sioned officers. 

On August 26, Mr. Benjamin P. Homer of Beacon Street 
presented us with a standard, after which we marched through 
Roxbury, stopping at the residence of General Dearborn, and 
encamped for the night at Brighton. The next day we 
marched to Cambridge, where we had a public drill on the 
Common, and thence marched back to headquarters in 
Boston. 

I was a very enthusiastic member of the corps and very 
constant in my attendance at drills and parades. I took every 
occasion to improve myself in military knowledge, and to test 
my acquirements and ability. I often visited and studied the 
encampments of other companies. On Independence Day, 



* The expense account of A. D. H. contains these items: For uniform 
coat, $12.50; for pantaloons, $3.00; for City Guard cap, •$•4.25; for plume, 
•$3.25; for sword belt, $1.50. 



110 APPRENTICE DAYS. 

1822, being in Norton witli my uniform, I gladly accepted 
the invitation of Captain Perry* to act as adjutant, and form- 
ing the Norton Artillery Company in battalion order, with 
them escorted the procession to the Meeting-House, where 
Laban M. Wheaton delivered an oration. 

Perhaps if I were to live my life over again, I should have 
doubts as to the wisdom of devoting so much time to military 
matters as I did while a member of the City Guards. Yet I 
did not join the company merely for the purpose of amuse- 
ment, but with the earnest intention of learning the duties of 
a citizen soldier. My father sought constantly by precept 
and example to imbue the minds of his children with correct 
ideas of their duties to their neighbors and to their country. 
He had shown his own loyalty by service in the Revolution, a 
fact of which we were very proud, and he believed strongly in 
a well-drilled militia. I loved and respected my father, and 
was influenced greatly by his teachings. And I am quite 
sure that I benefitted much by the drill and discipline, and 
by my association with members of this fine company, many 
of whom afterwards achieved high rank and reputation both 
in civil life and in the military service of their country. 

On February 24, 1823, the City Guards celebrated Wash- 
ington's Birth Day by a splendid ball at the Marlboro Hotel. 
On account of my proposed removal from Boston, I felt that 
probably this would be my last meeting with the company, 
and, determined to make the best of it, I danced every dance 
and enjoyed myself thoroughly. 

On January 25, 1822, occurred rny twenty-first birthday. 
To some friends who called on me in the evening I gave a 
supper of poached eggs. 

* 1873, Sept. 8. Died in Norton, Sept. 4, Lemuel Perry, aged 91 years 
and 11 months. He was captain of the old Norton Artillery Company in 
1822, when, acting as adjutant, I drilled the company in dress parade. 
This was then something new. I saw it on Boston Common a few days 
previous, done by the West Point Cadets. [Journal of A. D. U.] 



APPRENTICE DAYS. Ill 

For more tlian a year I had concerned myself somewhat 
with political matters, had attended several caucuses, and 
had taken especial interest in two subjects then under discus- 
sion : the revision of the State Constitution, and the adoption 
of a city government by Boston. On March 4, 1822, I cast 
my first vote, which was in favor of adopting a city govern- 
ment. On the first day of April following I voted again, 
casting my ballot for John Brooks and William Phillips, the 
Fedei'al candidates for governor and lieutenant-governor, who 
were elected. 

After I had passed my twenty-first milestone, I began to 
think that it was getting high time for me to begin business 
on my own account, and before I had finished my twenty- 
second mile ni}^ mind was pretty well made up on this point. 
My Providence friend, John J. Stimson, and I had talked 
over the subject together, and in the beginning of the year 
1823 were well on the way towards forming a business co- 
partnership. Mr. George Gilbert, my former master, had been 
unfortunate in business during recent years. Early in 1820 
he had suspended and at the end of 1822 he failed. Mr. 
Stimson was winding up the business, and it seemed to us 
both that this would be a favorable time and place for us to 
make a start. I had written to Mr. Stimson on hearing the 
news of Mr. Gilbert's failure, and in reply received the fol- 
lowing letter : — 

Pkovidence, Jany 2, 1822. 
Friend Hodges : 

Your fav. 28 Dec. was rec^ in due season. As it respects capi- 
tal t&c. I can say no more than I told you when in Boston. That 
is that my Capital is but little over $1000. If my partner had 
any more than myself I should of course expect to pay him such 
Interest as to make it even. If less, I should expect the same 
of him. 

I think that business may be done to a profit in this store with 
a Capital of only $2000, and a capital of 5 or 6 thousand may also 
be profitably employed. I presume M. Lincoln has told you the 



112 APPRENTICE DAYS, 

situation of affairs & that I am bringing Mr. Gilbert's business to 
a close as fast as possible. If I take the store I shall probably 
have to begin to pa^^ rent as soon or very soon after his goods are 
out. Of course it will be necessary to come to some conclusion 
before a great while. If you can conclude what you will be able 
to do, and what willing to do, even if you did not come until 
spring, I might set the mill to running slowly and keep myself 
busy through the winter. 

The main object at present is to conclude upon somet/rhtg, for 
if I do not have the store the owner will want to let some one 
else have it, for she is poor and wants all the rent she can get. 

Yours in haste 

J. J. Stimson. 

N. B. Please write as soon as possible by mail. 

On the 27th of January, with my friend John Marsh, I 
drove in a chaise to Providence, starting at five o'clock in the 
morning and arriving at noon. Mr. Stimson and I discussed 
the matter at length, and came to a detailed agreement to 
form a partnership, provided that J. D. & M. Williams would 
release me on or about the first of April from my engagement 
with them which did not terminate until July. I returned to 
Boston the next afternoon and very soon was talking over the 
subject with my employers. 

I had no difficulty at all in effecting an arrangement. They 
met me in the kindliest spirit, inquired into all the details of 
my plan, agreed with me that the time was favorable and the 
chances of success good, gave me excellent advice, showed 
tliat tliey regarded my interests as more important than any 
inconveniences which might result to them, and waiving any 
rights of their own, gave me full permission to leave their 
employ at the time selected by Mr. Stimson and myself. 
Moreover, of their own accord, knowing my lack of funds, 
they offered to loan me one thousand dollars without security 
if I should desire this. 



APPRENTICE DAYS. 113 

I notified Mr. Stimson of the result, and soon after he wrote 

me as follows : 

Providence, Feby 11, 1823. 

X"- Sir. 

Agreeably to our former arrangement I sold out Mr. G^ stock 
last Wednesday and took possession of the store yesterday for 
acc't of Stimson & Hodges. 

Our good friend Bowen found out by some means or other that 
we had some dependence upon having the store, and took it into 
his wise head to raise the rent 20 Dollars, and said that if we did 
not take it at that price, there was another man ready to take it. 
Finally I concluded that I would not let 20 Dollars prevent our 
commencing business and told him I would take it. 

Yours in haste 

John J. Stimson. 

N. B. I am going to Norton to-morrow and shall sell that stock 
on Tuesday next. Please write me at Norton. 

I intended leaving Boston on April 1, but the night before 
such a deep snow fell (about 3 feet) that it was feared the 
coaches would not get through, and so my journey was post- 
poned until April 3, when I started in the stage for Provi- 
dence to begin business there. The company in the coach 
was jovial, and I was commencing a new life ; yet I was in 
low spirits— a condition unusual with me. For I was leav- 
ing the best of employers with whom I had lived nearly five 
happy years, during which I had been treated always with the 
greatest kindness and consideration, more indeed like a son 
than an apprentice. But I did not weaken in my resolution, 
nor in any way doubt the wisdom of my action ; and I entered 
Providence without any fears as to the future success of the 
new firm of Stimson & Hodges. 

Postscripts. 
A. 1863, Feb. 8. Died in Brookline [Mass.] this day, Hon. 
Nathan Hale, aged 79. He published the Weekly Messenger, the 
first newsx^aper which I ever read. \Journal of A. D. II.'\ 



114 APPRENTICE DAYS. 

[The Boston Weekly Messenger was an octavo periodical, 
with no advertisements, provided with an Index at the end of the 
year, and was pubHshed by Nathan Hale at the office of the Bos- 
ton Daily Advertiser, No. 3, Congress Street, at the time referred 
to. The terms were -$2i per annum if paid in advance; otherwise 
$3.] 

B. New England Galaxy. Boston : Pul)lished every Fri- 
day evening by Joseph T. Buckingham, No. 4, Spear's Building, 
Congress-street, corner of Lindall-street. Terms — Three Dollars 
a Year, — One Dollar for three Months, — payable in Advance. 

Two of the contributions by A. D. H., referred to in the 
preceding account of his life in Boston, are here given : 

March 1, 1822. 
OH ! CRUEL. 

Oh ! Cruel is the mill-dam that keeps the water out, 
And cruel are the South-end ers who do not make a ' rout ; ' 
Oh ! cruel is the dust that about our noses blows, 
For what will become of us the D — 1 only knows. 
Tol rol loo rol loo, &c. 

Oh ! cruel is the Corporation that does not mind our cries, 
And cruel is the dust that fills brimfull our eyes; 
If they do not let the water in, why prosecute we must, 
For not a ' fardin ' do they care if we're buried iu the dust. 
Tol rol, &c. 

Oh ! cruel is the fate of all at the South End, 

We're always curs'd with something, our ' ways ' we never 

mend; 
With dead clams, vaults, and burying grounds our noses are 

regaled. 
And now to top the climax, the flats we have inhaled. 
Tol rol loo, &c. 

Gas Kill Buffum. 
Washington-street, Feb. 25. 



APPRENTICE DAYS. 115 

Nov. 29, 1822. 
Mr. Editor, 

The recent great race at Washington* reminds me of one of 
equal importance that took place some years ago in this State. 
There was a i)urse made up of ten doUars (not -1^10,000) and was 
to be run for bj^ two animals that might vie with the one that the 
renowned squire Sancho Panza rode. The day arrived, the nags 
were brought on to the ground, there also appeared another can- 
didate for the purse. Some roguish boys had brought on to the 
race ground a good-natured Hog, " all saddled and bridled, fit for 
the fight," to enter the hst. A debate arose among the " Jockey 
Club " whether Hog had a right to run with Horse. It was finally 
concluded that he had a perfect right to contend for the purse, 
being regularly entered. 

The distance to be run was eighty rods ; the time arrived, all 
three of the riders were mounted and ready — cui-iosity was on 
the tiptoe — bets were four to one against Hog — a hat was thrown 
into the air as the signal — the nags Bob and Jennie and Hog 
started together — the nags were put to their utmost speed, so was 
Hog ; it was soon discovered that the nags were gaining ground of 
Hog, Bob being the foremost ; the lash and spur were dealt un- 
sparingly^, when as cruel fate would have it. Bob stumbled and 
fell, Jennie being du-ectly in his wake, pitched over him and 
measured her length on the ground, and amidst the huzzas 
and shouts of the multitude. Hog gained the race! 

Gas Kill Buffum. 



*The race between two noted horses, Eclipse and Sir Charles, one con- 
sidered as representing New York and the other Virginia, formed one of 
the newspaper sensations of the day. An exciting contest had been 
anticipated, but Sir Charles had strained the sinews in one of his fore- 
legs and was easily beaten. 




BUSINESS LIFE IN feoVIDENCE. 



'HE firm of Stimson & Hodges, grocers, began 
business with a large capital of brains, character 
and attractive personality, and a small capital of 
cash — just twelve hundred dollars. The cash 
capital of the junior partner consisted of his savings during 
liis apprenticeship. He had not then received a cent from 
his father's estate, which, through injudicious management, 
decreased greatly in value. " My share," he wrote at a later 
date, " was paid to me in two or three installments, the last 
payment being made about 1845. The whole amount re- 
ceived by me amounted to about $300, and was invested by 
me in a tea-set which cost 1310." 

Both members had wide acquaintance, useful experience 
and good credit. The senior partner, 24 years old, had had 
a training of seven or eight years with a concern which had 
prospered and then failed, and he had benefitted by both the 
successes and the mistakes of his employer. The business 
education of the junior partner, now 22 years of age, has been 
indicated in the preceding pages. The two worked together 
most harmoniously,* and the firm was successful from the 
start. 



* I860, Jan'y 20. John Jones Stimson, aged 61, my dear old friend 
and former partner, died this morning at half-past one, without previous 
warning and after only a few moments of distress. He was born June 
11, 1798. We were in business in Providence from February, 1823, to 
February, 1845, a period of 22 years, and probably no copartnership was 
ever more pleasant and happy. I have no recollection of a single harsh 
word, or of any unpleasant circumstance to be remembered over night, 
during our whole business life. He was one of nature's noblemen, a 
strictly honest and faithful man and, I believe, a true Christian. [Jour- 
nal of A. D. H.] 

(116) 



BUSINESS LIFE IN PROVIDENCE. 117 

" We commenced business in a wooden store (owned by 
Peddj Bowen of Norton) which stood on the south corner of 
Leonard and South Water Streets. We were very prudent 
in all our expenses. For board and washing we paid $2.50 
per week each. Our store rent was about $200 per annum. 
I think our whole stock in trade never averaged during the 
first year over -"SiSjOOO at any one time. When Ave completed 
our first account of stock (about Feb. 14, 1824), we were 
pleased to ascertain that, after paying all our store expenses, 
which amounted to less than $400, and our personal ex- 
penses, which were less than $300 apiece, we had made clear 
about $900, or $450 each. On May 22, 1824, we moved to 
another wooden store on the opposite (or northwesterly) side 
of Leonard Street, owned by Dr. William Bowen. Our lease, 
which had about ten months to run, was bought of us for 
$300, which sum was more than the whole amount of rent 
that we had paid for the fourteen months during which we 
had been in business." * 

In December, 1824, the firm moved to No. 2 Market Street, 
in the east end of the Union Building. In January, 1828, 
another move was made to No. 6 Market Street (also in the 
Union Building) which had been occupied by the Merchants 
Bank. The final change was to Nos. 9 and 11 South Main 
Street, "the old Dr. BoAven store," at the foot of College 
Street, in the building wMch still stands, but with its north- 
erly side sliced off for the convenience of traffic. Here the 
firm remained during the last twelve years of its existence, 
paying an annual rent of six hundred dollars. 

The business grew rapidly, spreading all over the State of 
Rhode Island and into many parts of Connecticut and Massa- 
chusetts and some parts of Maine and New York ; into New 
Jersey and Pennsylvania, and as far South certainly as 

* Recollections of A. D. H. 



118 BUSINESS LIFE IN PROVIDENCE. 

Georgia,* perhaps farther. The capital doubled itself the 
first year, and doubled itself again during the next two years. 
In seven years it was eleven times the original amount, and 
in 1837 it was nearly twenty-one times what it was in the 
beginning. The year 1837 was one of very great disaster in 
commercial circles throughout the United States, one of the 
most disastrous ever known in our country, and it was fol- 
loAved by a number of hard years. f Stimson & Hodges 
suffered of course ; their capital was decreased nearly two 
thousand five hundred dollars ; and the net yearly profit, after 
deducting the family expenses of the partners as well as the 
store expenses, fell from ten thousand dollars to one half of 
that amount. But the house was not seriously damaged and 
soon recovered from the effects of the panic, although its 
operations were never thereafter so profitable as in some pre- 
vious years. This, however, was due in part to other than 
purely business reasons. $ 



* 1876, Oct. 4. Died in Assonet [in Freetown, Mass.] on the 29th of 
September, Captain George Dean, aged 80 years. He formerly com- 
manded a sloop and during a number of years carried goods from Provi- 
dence to our customers in Darien, Georgia. [Journal of A. D. H.] 

t 1837, May 10. This day will be long remembered by the people of 
these United States as an important epoch. This day the banks in New 
York suspended specie payments. 

May 11. On receipt of the news from New York by steamboat this 
day, the Providence banks also suspended specie payments; and it seems 
that the banks throughout this Republic are stopping or will stop. 

1838, Aug. 13. The banks in Rhode Island, and in New England gen- 
erally, resume specie payments. 

1839, Oct. 10. News of the suspension of specie payments by the 
United States Bank at Philadelphia. Oct. 11. And by the Philadelphia 
and Baltimore banks. Oct. 15. The Providence banks voted to suspend. 

Dec. 10. Resumption of specie payments by the banks in Providence 
after a suspension since October 16. [Journal A. D. H.] 

t As illustrating the way in which young men with small capital were 
able to start and grow in business in the ante-bellum days, some figures 
relating to the financial standing of Stimson & Hodges are given in 
Appendix IV. 



BBfT 




BUSINESS LIFE IN PROVIDENCE. 119 

In carrying on the business the junior partner seems to 
have done the greater part of the outside work — making 
purchases, drumming up customers, looking after question- 
able accounts, and the like. His genial manner and quick 
and kindly humor made Mm a general favorite, and these 
qualities, combined with a reputation of fair dealing, enabled 
him to carry through without friction many transactions which 
required judicious handling, such as collecting a debt or cor- 
recting a misunderstanding. He had a happy faculty of ter- 
minating a discussion by an unexpectedly humorous and apt 
rejoinder to an argument, which compelled his opponent to 
laugh — possibly to blush — and brought about a friendly 
agreement. Moreover he had an extraordinarily good memory 
for persons and places. As a rule, when he had talked with 
a person once, on their next meeting, although years might 
have elapsed in the interval, he could call him by name and 
tell when, where and under what circumstances they had 
come together previously. He knew the persons and the 
financial standing of all his customers, and also of his prin- 
cipal competitors, throughout a wide extent of territory. It 
was his custom to note in his Journal the deaths of those 
persons whom he had known, generally with some brief re- 
mark in each case. He made more than twenty-five hundred 
entries of this kind. Three of them written mtliin three 
weeks of his decease, indicate the strength of his memorj' at 
the age of seventy-seven : 

1878, Sept. 9. Died this day in Worcester, the oldest native- 
born citizen of the place. General Nathan Heard, aged 88 years & 
6 months. I became acquainted with him on July 4, 1829, when 
I visited Worcester with the Providence Light Infantry as their 
Commissary. He was then of the firm of Heard & Estabrooks, 
which thereafter was a customer of Stimson & Hodges. 

1878, Sept. 14. Died in Attleboro, Mass. Sept. 10, Godfrey 
Wheelock, aged 73 years, 10 mouths, 10 days, an old customer of 
Stimson & Hodges. 



120 BUSINESS LIFE IN PROVIDENCE. 

1878, Sept. 20. I received this clay from Joseph W. Clark the 
information that Mrs. Enoch W. Clark (Sarah Dodge Clark) died 
on the 6th day of February last, her age being 71 yrs., 10 mos., 6 
ds. She was an old acquaintance. I remember waiting upon 
both herself and her sister, Susan Dodge Mudge, to the ball 
of the First Light Infantry in Providence on the 8th of January, 
1825. 

The managers of a successful mercantile enterprise natu- 
rally are chosen to aid in the direction of other business 
operations in which they are interested. The junior partner, 
besides holding other less prominent positions, was a director 
of the Weybosset Bank of Providence for ten years, from 1833 
to 1843, when he resigned, being at once elected a director of 
the National Bank, and holding this office until he moved to 
Boston. 

A bank director in those days seems to have had more 
varied duties than are imposed on him at the present time. 
At least this bank director inscribed in his Journal accounts 
of various trips made, on bank business, to collect debts, 
institute legal proceedings, act as receiver in cases of bank- 
ruptcy, attend sessions of the Legislature when bills affecting 
banks were being discussed, and for other purposes. On some 
occasions he acted as bank messenger, once bringing from 
Boston sixteen thousand dollars in gold for the Weybosset 
Bank. 

In 1836 he invested three thousand dollars (and at least 
as much again in the next three or four years) in the rapidly 
growing western territory. A considerable portion of tins 
investment was in the stock of the Delavan Association, 
which developed the township of Delavan in Illinois. While 
it is not recorded in his Journal that he held office in this 
association, whose headquarters were in Taunton, yet he 
frequently attended its meetings and was active in the finan- 
cial management of its affairs. In 1842 he started on a jour- 
ney with the intention of inspecting the western lands in 



BUSINESS LIFE IN PROVIDENCE. 121 

which he and his associates were pecuniarily interested ; but 
proceeding first, for commercial reasons, in a southerly direc- 
tion, he abandoned his original project when he reached Wash- 
ington, D. C. Exactly thirteen years later to a day, on May 
22, 1855, he recommenced this journey and this time com- 
pleted it. 

Although always intensely interested in politics, he was 
strongly averse to holding political office. He always voted 
if it was possible, even when it was necessary to make a jour- 
ney for the purpose. The suffrage he deemed a most impor- 
tant privilege, and on the few occasions when he was unable 
to cast his ballot, he noted the fact and the reason in his 
Journal.* He was constant in attendance on political meet- 
ings, often presided, and several times went as a delegate to 
conventions. He was repeatedly offered a nomination, and 
his popularity was so great that he could easily have attained 
to high office ; but only twice in his life did he accept the 
offer. In 1844, after the Dorr War in Rhode Island, — per- 
haps the most exciting event in the local history of that State, 
when calm and wise action on the part of the legislature 
seemed especially important, — he consented to be a candi- 
date for membership, from Providence, in the General Assem- 
bly. He was elected and served out his term, making his mark 
and being appointed chairman of several important commit- 
tees, and then, things having calmed down, declined another 
nomination. 

In 1856, when the Republican party, fighting for principles 
which he earnestly advocated, was in a minority and his de- 
feat was practically certain, he ran for the legislature in 
Massachusetts. He lost the election, " very much to my 
comfort." But when immediately thereafter he was offered 

* 1838, April 12. Taken sick with inflammatory rheumatism and con- 
fined to the bed nearly five weeks. April IS, Election Day. Did not 
vote — the first time since I have had the privilege of voting [i. e., during 
16 years]. 



122 



BUSINESS LIFE IN PROVIDENCE. 



the nomination on the Republican and American tickets for 
Ma^'or of Roxbury, with good chances of success, he " posi- 
tively declined." 

^.,™. r>,^.r,r.^.r^,^., Hls poHtlcal convictious 

CITY CONVENTION, ^ 

RHODE-ISLxiND TICKET row, and he never was a 

mere partisan. Unswerv- 
ing loyalty to the govern- 



1844. 

\ '• \ I / 







ment and obedience to the 
law formed apparently the 
first article of his creed, 
and the next was helpful 
kindness to his fellows. 
To be a good citizen, he 
declared, one must be a 
good neighbor. He was 
originally a Whig ; when 
the Whig party dissolved, 
he united with the Re- 
publicans. He was mild- 
ly conservative, objecting 
both to " radicalism " and 
to " Bourbonism," as these 
terms were applied in his 
days. He was slow to an- 
ger and abhorred war, the 
evil effects of which were 
early impressed on him by 
his father, who neverthe- 
less had served in the Rev- 
olution. When the irre- 
pressible conflict was beginning, he counselled moderation. 
Although deeming slavery a sin and an error, he would end 
it rather by purchasing the slaves from their owners and set- 
ting them free, than by employing violent measures. While 



FOR SENATOR, 

•SJLBEUT C, GSEEJVE, 

FOR REPRESENTATIVES, 

ESEK ALDRICH, 
SAMUEL. AMES, 
STEPHEN BKAl«Cir, 
JABEZ OORHAM, 
ALMON D. HODGES, 
SHUBAEIi HUTCHIJ\S, 
JAMES T. RHODES, 
WILLIAM SHELDON, 
JAMES Y. SMITH, 
OLIYER E. TABEK> 
ISAAC THURBER, 
RUFIJS WATERMAN. 

A SUCCESSFUL TICKET. 



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BUSINESS LIFE IN PROVIDENCE. 123 

believing in John Brown's theory of the wickedness of slavery, 
he condemned Ms action at Harper's Ferry. Yet there was 
too much fighting blood in his veins for him to submit quietly 
to violent oppression or active wrong-doing. When Thomas 
W. Dorr undertook to overthrow the government of Rhode 
Island, he was among the first to seize a musket and march to 
the rescue. When the Southern States attempted to destroy 
the Union, there was no hesitancy in his active opposition to 
their efforts. He was then too old for military service, but 
his time and liis money were given freely, and with his con- 
currence every rjiember of his family, whom the government 
would accept, entered the army. Although two of his sons 
were borne home on their shields — and he loved them dearly 
— he never faltered in urging and supporting the active 
prosecution of the war to the very end. But not in bitter- 
ness ; simply in order that the right should prevail. 

From the beginning of his business career, the junior part- 
ner made very frequent trips on land and water, by carriage, 
stage or rail, and by sail or steam. In time he had traversed 
quite thoroughly New England and the Middle States, and 
had become acquainted with the land and the people between 
the Penobscot and the Potomac rivers. The details of his 
trips are recorded in his journals, with the hours of arrival 
at and departure from the various stopping places, the names 
of the inns or hotels at which he staid, the persons whom he 
met, the chief incidents which occurred, and usually the ex- 
penses of travelling. From liis notes a very fair idea can be 
obtained of the conditions of travel in the days when the 
stage coach was retiring before the locomotive, and the packet 
was yielding to the steamer. 

For twelve years after Stimson & Hodges began business, 
there was no railroad in Rhode Island. Journeys were made 
in stage coaches, — and these were numerous in Providence, 
which was on the main line of travel between Boston and 
New York. The stage road chiefly used from Boston to 



124 BUSINESS LIFE IN PROVIDENCE. 

Providence was the Norfolk and Bristol Turnpike, known 
later as the Dedhara Turnpike, and now named Washington 
Street. Beginning at Boston it passed through Roxbury 
(now Boston), West Roxbury (then Roxbury, now Boston), 
Dedham, Norwood (then Dedham), Walpole (East and South 
Walpole), Foxborough (the northwestern part of the present 
township), Wrenthara (the eastern j)art of the town), Attle- 
borough (North Attleborough and the western part of Attle- 
borough), Pawtucket and Providence. There were some 
deviations from this route, — as in Walpole, where three roads 
were used by rival lines. Thus John Needham ran his stages 
through North Walpole, that the passengers might take their 
meals at his tavern on the Plain. 

There were often four regular stage lines (perhaps more) 
over this road, each line running several coaches, which started 
from Boston at various hours, from three in the morning until 
noon.* 

The start back from Providence was seldom made before 
6 A. M., and the later hours varied greatly, dependent to a 
large extent upon the arrival of the New York connections. 
There were also, on occasions, extra coaches, so that the total 
number was large. " In the summer of 1829 there were 328 
stage coaches a week to and from Providence, not counting 
the local stages running to points within a dozen miles of the 
town. The turnpikes were then in excellent condition, and 
on the journey from Boston horses were changed four or five 
times. Very exciting races often occurred between coaches 
of opposing lines when they happened to come together on 
the road. The arrival of a number in Providence at once, as 

*Josiah Quincy, in '■'■ Fi(]ures of the Past^^^ describing a journey in 
1826, says : " The stages left Boston at three in the morning, and at two 
o'clock a man was sent round to the houses of those who were booked 
for the passage. His instructions were to knock, pull the bell, and shout 
and disturb the neighborhood as much as possible, in order that the per- 
son who was to take the coach might be up and dressed when it reached 
his door." 



BUSINESS LIFE IN PROVIDENCE. 125 

was usual, to connect with the New York boats, was a daily 
event of great interest. It could not be otherwise, when ten 
or twelve large coaches, each drawn by four horses, all filled 
with passengers and their tops loaded with freight, came 
lurching and swaying down the street at a furious pace."* 

The usual fare, in these years, was two or two and a half 
dollars. Under strong competition it sank to one dollar ; at 
one period John Needham carried his passengers free. The 
time consumed by the passage, including stops for meals, etc., 
varied from five to nine hours, but generally was five and a 
half or six hours. The distance was reckoned as 40 or 41 
miles. 

All along the route were taverns, where the passengers 
stopped for meals and relays of horses were provided. The 
tavern-keepers often were promoters of stage lines whereby 
their houses profited. The following list of wayside inns 
between Boston and Providence at this period, with the dis- 
tances from Boston, is taken, with a few corrections and addi- 
tions, from the Massachusetts Register and United States 
Calendar : 

RoxBURY 6 miles. Ellis's. 

Eead Taft's, in West RoxlDury, at the union 
of South and Washington streets ; later 
called the Union Hotel. 

Dedham 9 miles. Capt. Francis Alden's, near the Court 

House. 
Dedham Hotel, burned down in 1832, when 
60 horses of the stage company perished; 
rebuilt as the Phoenix Hotel. 

Walpole 20^ miles. Puller's half-Avay house in South Walpole. 

Polley's, near Puller's. 
John Needham's, on the Plain. 
Attleboro. . .28 miles. Col. Israel Hatch's, in North Attleboro. 
Pawtucket ..37 miles. Col. Slack's. 
Providence .. 41 miles. Chappotin's. 

Blake's Franklin House; and others. 

* Field's State of Rhode Inland and Providence Plantations, II : 54.5. 



126 BUSINESS LIFE IN PROVIDENCE. 

In the year 1835 the Boston & Providence Railroad (the 
first railway in Rhode Island) was opened to through traffic, 
and its coaches drawn by steam engines on rails* soon sup- 
planted the coaches hauled by horses on the Turnpike. Pas- 
senger trains had been operated for short distances from 
Boston during the previous year, — as far as the Canton 
Viaduct, the last link in the road to be completed, where 
they connected with the stages. The first train from Provi- 
dence started from the station, then at India Point, on June 
2, 1835. It consisted of two coaches, filled with invited 
guests and propelled by two horses each, the locomotive, 
which it had been intended to use, not being in order. The 
party was carried on the rails to the unfinished Canton 
Viaduct, walked across the gap, and continued by steam to 
Boston. The next day the first trip of the locomotive from 
Providence was made to Canton. The third trip, with steam, 
on this end of the road, was made on June 4. " The cars 
started from India Bridge at ten minutes past five P. M., and 
arrived at the old Bolkcom stand in Attleborough about half 
past six, but the greater part of the time was consumed by a 
stop to blow off and refill the boiler. Left Attleborough at 7 
o'clock and was hacked iyi to Providence in about 55 minutes, 
after a very pleasant ride."f The first "steamboat train" 
arrived in Providence on the morning of June 11 ; and the 
first train which crossed the Canton Viaduct started from 
Boston on July 28, 1835, at 4 P. M., and arrived in Provi- 
dence in an hour and forty-seven minutes. It returned the 
same evening, with about a hundred passengers, in two hours 
and three minutes. The fare each way was two dollars. 

The actual running time on the railroad, while the roadbed 
and equipment were new, was from two to three and a half 



* The bodies of the cars originally used on this road were essentially 
the same as those of the stage coaches, 
t Journal of A. D. H. 



BUSINESS LIFE IN PROVIDENCE. 127 

hours. Later the steamboat trains endeavored, with reason- 
able success, to make the trip in an hour and a half, while the 
accommodation trains took two hours at least. 

The travel between Providence and New York was by- 
packets until the New London Turnpike was built, about 
1820. Then coaches were put on this road and the majority 
of the travellers went over it, — through Johnston, Scituate, 
Coventry, Plainfield, Jewett City, Norwich and Mohegan to 
New London, where steamboats for New York were taken. 
In 1822 steamboats began to ply between Providence and 
New York, and these soon absorbed nearly all the travel and 
ended the passenger traffic of the packets. The steamers 
increased in numbers and came into lively competition, caus- 
ing reductions in the rates, — from ten dollars to " $6 and 
found," and " $5 and found," and even less. Now and then 
one could make the passage for one dollar. So many Provi- 
dence people were interested in the boats* that, as there was 
at times a bitter rivalry, especially when Cornelius Vanderbilt 
and the railroad directors entered the field, the bonds of affec- 
tion were occasionally strained. 

It was usual, at first, for the steamboats to leave Providence 
at noon, arriving early the next morning at New York ; f and 
to leave New York at 3 P. M., arriving at Providence about 
the middle of the next forenoon. Gradually the hour of leav- 
ing both ports changed to 5 P. M. But there were constant 
variations in the times of starting, and the fog and storms 
made great differences in the length of the passage, wliich at 
least on one occasion occupied forty-three hours. When the 
steamer Lexington, Capt. Jacob Vanderbilt, was put on the 

* 1823, May 11. At noon took passage in the new steamer Providence 
for New York. Stirason & Hodges had invested $500 in this steamer, 
which gave us a free passage. [Recollections of A. D. H.] 

I 1833, July 11. At 12 o'clock, noon, started in the steamer Providence 
for New York. Acted as clerk 2Jfo tern, of the boat. Passed Newport 
at a quarter past two, and Gull light at 7 P. M. Arrived in New York 
the next morning at 6 o'clock. [Journal of A. D. H.] 



128 A PILGRIM'S PROGRESS. 

line, it left the terminals at six in the morning and made 
the trip (when not delayed) by daylight. " Fare four dollars 
— Meals extra." 

In November, 1837, the railroad between Providence and 
Stonington was opened to travel. Its Providence passenger- 
station was on the western side of Providence River, opposite 
the station at India Point of the Boston & Providence Rail- 
road. Soon a ferry boat connected the two stations, and the 
greater part of the through passengers went by rail to Ston- 
ington, there taking the New York steamboats. Or it was 
possible to leave Providence in the forenoon, cross the Sound 
by steamboat to Greenport, L. I., take the Long Island Rail- 
road cars, and arrive in New York early in the evening. 

Such were the principal methods of travel to and from 
Providence described in the Journal of the junior partner, the 
details of which he pictured fully on one occasion when, at 
the end of a journey, he copied his original entries (written 
with lead-pencil), touched them up, and entitled the revised 
versio;! 

A Pilgrim's Progress. 

Froggy would a-journeying go, 

Whether his Mammy would let him or no. 

— Anonymous. 

And he took it into his head to walk off. 

— Castigator. 

1824, July 4, Sunday. Started for New York in the sloop 
3Iatilda, Capt. Gould,* with the wind north. Off Prudence 
Island pass the steamer Connecticut., Capt. William Comstock, 
bound for Providence. Passed Newport at 6 o'clock and 



* John Gould, of Black Rock, Conn., died about two years ago, as I 
learn by letter from the postmaster of that place. I made my first visit 
to New York, in July, 1824, with him in his sloop Matilda from Provi- 
dence. [Journal of Dec. i, 1875.'] 



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A PILGRIM'S PROGRESS. 129 

doubled Point Judith at 10. A very dull Sunday. Turned 
in at 11 o'clock. 

July 5, Monday. Turned out at daylight. The scenery 
was most beautiful. We were off Fisher's Island at 7 o'clock. 
Tom, the cook, said he heard cannon in New York (distance 
130 miles) ; celebrating Independence all along the shore 
with " trumpets, drums, cannon, bonfires, etc." We cele- 
brated the anniversary genteelly on board. Tom played on a 
three-stringed fiddle, Sim, the mate, accompanied him on his 
bag-pipes, and we three had fore-and-afters on both sides of 
the deck. At 12 o'clock we were becalmed off Faulkner's 
Island, which gave us time for cool reflection. At 6 o'clock 
a fine breeze off Stratford Point sprung up. Took in top-sail 
and turned in at 10 o'clock. 

July 6, Tuesday. Awoke at daylight and found myself in 
the harbor of Black Rock. Walked to Capt. Gould's seat 
at Fairfield. Here the captain chartered Molly Dunlap's old 
mare and gig, ycleped The Chesapeake, and we set off for 
Bridgeport. The old jade paced at the rate of ten knots an 
hour until we brought up all standing at the sign of the Bar- 
ber's Pole and Snuffers, and I was shaved (^. e., chin-scraped) 
by a man who kept the grocery and barber's shop. 

At one o'clock returned to Fairfield and dined with Capt. 
Gould. Wished myself as pleasantly situated as the captain, 
who, by the way, is in possession of a pretty place and a 
handsome wife. The captain and I went to see the pretty 
girls in the evening. Memorandum : if I have seen a fair 
sample of Connecticut, it must be the finest State in the 
Union. 

July 7, Wednesday. I was awakened by the captain at 3 
in the morning and traveled down to the vessel. Weighed 
anchor at 6 and stood out into the Sound with a fresh breeze 
from the north-west. It was quiet on board to-day, all hands 
recovering from the celebration of Independence. At 7 
o'clock, P. M., with a beautiful breeze we arrived at the Nar- 



130 A PILGRIM'S PROGRESS. 

rows and passed through Hell Gate (for the first time) a iew 
minutes after sunset. It is a romantic and beautiful place, 
where all nature smiles when the reflection of the sun upon 
the horizon imparts to the surrounding objects a bewitching- 
splendor which can be rivalled only by our ideas of Paradise. 
The noise of the waters winding their ways in excessive com- 
motion tlu'ough this narrow passage, and the boiling, broiling, 
frying, stewing and roasting of the liquid element, added to the 
grandeur of the scene : it appeared like an enchanted spot. 

But the mariner should keep on the most accommodating 
terms with the fairy that presides at this Gate. I thought 
of the days of my old favorite in legend, Aladdin and the 
Wonderful Lamp. As we passed through this place whose 
nanie strikes the ear so unmusically, the most profound silence 
was observed on board ; the sailors were stationed at their 
posts, the cable was coiled and the anchor unloosed and made 
ready to let go in an instant if the vessel should miss stays ; 
and every time we tacked, which happened twice or thrice, 
all hands appeared to hold their breath. We went through 
in genteel style, and when we had passed I counted forty sail 
in sight — some entirely through, some passing, and some at 
the entrance of the Gate. 

At 9 o'clock we arrived off the city and ran afoul of a 
schooner, tearing our mainsail and staving in one or two hogs- 
heads. Having cleared ourselves, we anchored in the stream. 
It was a most delightful evening, — such a one as we read of 
in the accounts of Naples. The great, overgrown city of New 
York appeared to the best advantage, impressing the stranger 
with its imposing grandeur. A full band on the Ontario, 
which was lying near the Battery, played most sweetly. Then 
a Kent bugler played " The Hunter's Horn " in a masterly 
style, and ever and anon a rocket shot up into the air from 
Castle Garden. 

July 8, Thursday, Arose at daylight to take a "lunar" at 
the big city. The harbor was crowded with all kinds of 



A PILGRIM'S PROGRESS. 131 

crafts, and steamboats were passing to and fro as thick as 
swallows after a storm. We hauled into the dock at 9 o'clock. 
I went to Miss Stone's, in Cliff Street, where I found a dozen 
Yankees, principally Bostonians, some of them old acquaint- 
ances. In the evening I went to the beautiful Chatham Gar- 
den Theatre and saw the plays of Bertram and Simson <f- Co. 

July 9, Friday. After getting through with business I took 
a trip to Brooklyn, Long Island, crossing the water in a horse- 
boat. Brooklyn is a beautiful place, nearly as large as Charles- 
town, Mass. Here I fell in with D. Dudley and lady, B. F. 
French and lady, and Jonathan French and no lady. After 
viewing the village and the Navy Yard, returned to New York 
at 6 o'clock. In the evening went to Castle Garden, where 
were a band of music and fireworks. I awoke at midnight, 
" serenaded " by a full band which played sweetly. 

July 10, Saturday. Arose at 5 and jumped aboard the 
steamboat Thistle, for Philadelphia, in company with eight 
Bostonians. We passed Elizabethtown Point and Perth 
Amboy and landed at New Brunswick, a considerable place 
where the earth is red. Here we took stage and rode through 
Franklin, Kingston, Queenston and Princeton (where Nassau 
Hall, a large stone building, is handsomely situated) to Tren- 
ton. The road from New Brunswick to Trenton was in very 
bad order — not much credit is due to the inhabitants for 
keeping in this condition a road over which there is so much 
travel. 

At Trenton we took the steamboat Franklin, having de- 
lightful views down the Delaware, where the land appeared 
to be highly cultivated. When we were four miles from 
Bristol a tremendous storm came up suddenly. I crawled in 
under the baggage, but the other passengers undertook to 
get below ; men, women and children tumbled down the com- 
panion-way in heaps, a great number being completely drenched 
before they could get into the cabin. Here I was, comfort- 
ably stowed away with other baggage wliile the rain fell in 



132 A PILGRIM'S PROGRESS. 

torrents, thunder, lightning, rain and hail appearing to con- 
tend for predominance, — an elegant situation for " a buck of 
the first water." When the storm ceased, the baggage began to 
crawl out. I came in contact with an old maid's bandboxes, 
and stove in the bottom of one with my head. It was a long- 
time before I could get clear and find daylight, but at length 
I worked my way out and found we were opposite Bristol, a 
beautiful village, while just below, on the other bank, was 
Burlington, a considerable town. Further on we saw the 
United States Arsenal at Frankford, and hove in sight of the 
great city of Pliiladelphia, celebrated for its regularity, good 
morals. Friends, and the encouragement of the fine arts and 
sciences. So soon as the boat reached the wharf, it was over- 
run with porters shouting " Baggage, Massa, I care your 
baggage." I came very near being carried off, baggage and 
all, by a stout blackamoor over six feet tall. I escaped and 
went to Mr. Field's,* on 9th street, where I stopped. 

July 11, Sunday. Went to meeting, Mr. Skinner's, and 
heard a red-hot preacher " give it to 'em good." It was Com- 
munion Sunday. It is the fashion here for both sheep and 
goats to keep their seats when the sacrament is administered. 
I sat in a pew with one or two Christians — and the deacon 
looked very hard at me. The service was ended about one 
o'clock, when I was glad to get clear. 

In the afternoon I walked to where the new State prison is 
being built. The walls enclose ten acres of land ; the poles 
for the staging cost $2,000. Walked out again in the even- 
ing. Little cliildren, principally girls, were so thick on the 



* I called on ray old friend, James Field, 1022 Race Street [Thiladel- 
pliia], in the evening. \_Journal of April 13, I860.] 

Almira Lincoln gave me the following: Died in Philadelphia, April 
17, 18()6, James Field in his 84th year; and on Dec. 25, 18(54, Geo. W. 
Fobes, in his 75th year. They were for many years of the firm of Field 
& Fobes, which began business in Philadelphia in 1812 and dissolved in 
1837. [Journal of Sept. 29, 1866.'] 



A PILGRIM'S PROGRESS. 133 

sidewalk that I was obliged to take the middle of the street 
for fear of stepping on some of them. I was surprised to find 
so many in Philadelphia, and particularly in this part of the 
city. 

July 12, Monday. Dined with Mr. Fobes. With my Bos- 
ton friends rode out to the Watei- Works which supply the 
city from the Schuylkill River. Large water-wheels — three 
were in operation — pump up the water more than a hundred 
feet into a reservoir, on the top of a hill, with a capacity of 
upwards of eight million gallons. 

We visited Pratt's Garden. " None but strangers of dis- 
tinction allowed to enter the Garden at this time of the year," 
said the good woman who turned the large key at the gate. 
TMs garden is said to be superior to any other in the United 
States. Here grow orange trees, with boughs bent nearly to 
the ground by the golden fruit, which makes the visitor's 
mouth water ; and if he does not possess an uncommon por- 
tion of that scarce quality called honesty, his fingers will itch 
to their very ends for a sly grab. Here grow lemons and 
pineapples, and a great many other tropical fruits, in the 
greatest profusion. There are two beautiful fish ponds, one 
at a higher level than the other ; the water runs from the first 
into the second, and thence into the river. In the upper 
pond is a fountain, around which gathers a great number of 
gold fish and silver fish, pushing and elbowing like a crowd 
at the box of&ce of a theatre. There are also two caves in 
the Garden. In one is a spring whose water is impregnated 
with iron. The other, I believe, is called the Devil's Den ; 
the entrance is guarded by a large mastiff ; here Beelzebub 
was chained down for — perhaps another thousand years. 

Mr. Pratt, the owner, has a summer seat in the centre of 
this abode of Flora. This Second Paradise is situated upon 
the bank of the Schuylkill and commands a full view of the 
Water Works. I very much doubt whether Adam and Eve's 
garden in its full glory greatly surpassed tliis. 



134 A PILGRIM'S PROGRESS. 

July 13, Tuesday. Paraded about the city to see the 
sights. Dined with Mr. Stone.* Went in the afternoon to 
Peale's Museum with Harriet S. Field. This is the first 
museum in America. It contains a large collection of por- 
traits of the most prominent men in the United States. Saw 
the skeleton of the mammoth, about fourteen feet high, and 
directly underneath, as a contrast, the skeleton of a mouse. 
In the evening took tea with Mr. Brigham, formerly a partner 
of my old master in Boston. 

July 14, Wednesday. Dined with Mr. Field. Crossed the 
ferry to Camden. On my return visited the Navy Yard and 
saw a seventy-four on the stocks, pierced for 130 guns, which 
is to be the largest ship of the line in the navy. 

July 15, Thursday. Took the steamboat Alhemarle for 
Bordentown, where we arrived at ten o'clock. Took the 
stage here in company with three elderly maids to whom I 
had been politely requested by a gentleman in Philadelphia 
" to be civil," that is, to act the beau. I was very polite 
to them, and they complained bitterly of the rough roads. 
There was also in our stage Lord Bolingbroke's brother, a 
very jolly fellow. The stage driver of the opposition line 
pushed on like Jehu. We passed through Nottingham 
Square, Penn's Neck and Middlesex, reached New Bruns- 
wick at 3.40, took the steamboat Legislator, and arrived at 
New York at half-past seven o'clock. 

July 16, Friday. Went to Brooklyn, visited the Navy 
Yard and there saw the Franklin, seventy-four. In the even- 
ing at the Chatham Garden Theatre saw The School for 
Scandal and An Agreeable Surprise. After the play was 
over I was introduced to the managers, and, by invitation 
of Mr. Williamson, partook of a collation which was served 

* Saw to-rlay the notice of the death at Saxonville, Framingham, Mass., 
of Dexter Stone, of the former firm of Grant & Stone of Philadelphia. He 
was formerly in the employ of Elisha Brigham & Co., John D. Williams 
being the Co. {^Journal of A. D. H.'[ 



A PILGRIM'S PROGRESS. 135 



up in good style. We returned to our lodgings at mid- 



night. 



July 17, Saturday. Went to the City Hall and had a 
beautiful view of the city. Fell in with a jolly cocksparrow 
from Albany. An Irish woman, with a great bunch of keys 
by her side, conducted us through all the apartments, for 
which we paid her four shillings York currency. My com- 
panion then challenged me to walk out to the Treadmill, about 
four miles distant. Arriving there just as the bell rang for 
dinner, and being therefore obliged to wait an hour before 
the mill would be in operation, we went to a grocery store in 
the vicinity and dined together on dried beef, codfish, crackers 
and cider. After dinner we went into the mill. The lower 
apartment is used for the male convicts, some of whom had a 
log chain suspended from the waist, with the lower end made 
fast to the ankle. The wheels of the treadmill are about 
five feet in diameter. A bell rings every half minute ; when 
it rings a convict mounts the mill at one end and another hops 
off at the other end. Thus the prisoners move from one end 
to the other, and keep upon the wheel about half of the tiine. 

The upper room is the female apartment. Here were a 
number of pretty girls, and some confoundedly ugly, who kept 
quizzing us, but we didn't see fit to return the compliment. 

On our way back we stopped at the Waterloo Garden, 
about three miles from the city, kept by a jolly fat Irish 
woman, and had a comfortable sit-down to icecream and cake. 
Returned to the city at four, after having had a very merry 
time. Later crossed by steam-ferryboat to Hoboken, a beau- 
tiful place noted for dueling, footraces, gambling and cock- 
fights, and a great place of resort for the New-Yorkers. 

July 18, Sunday. Took the steamboat Chancellor Living- 
ston for Albany. This is one of the most delightful excur- 
sions that can be taken from New York City. The scenery 
along this noble river would be a treat to the greatest lover 
of romance. And any one who enjoys the study of human 



136 A PILGRIM'S PROGRESS. 

nature, on a Hudson River steamboat with three or four 
hundred passengers has a large field for observation of the 
different characters and dispositions encountered every mo- 
ment. Here one sees the predestinarian, with woe-begone 
pliiz and chin skewered down ; the dignified gait and studied 
grace of the statesman ; the staring impudence of the lawyer ; 
the stiff, bolstered-up dandy with ears buttoned back and 
shirt-collar hauled out almost to the flaps ; the alderman, 
with double chin and fat sides ; the Johnny Raws with their 
sweethearts ; the winning ease and fascinating manners of 
some of the belles ; the watchful, searching look of the 
matrons who have young daughters ; in short the greatest 
variety of characters presents itself for tlie observation, edifi- 
cation and amusement of the lover of novelty and jollification. 
In one part of the boat is a merry set of old bachelors, telling 
stories over a bottle of wine ; in another, half a dozen poli- 
ticians, canvassing the qualifications of the candidates for 
President ; in still another part, a trio of old maids, without 
a beau, finding fault with their fare, with everybody and 
everything ; close to their elbows you may see a languishing 
maiden poring over " The Sorrows of Werther." Here is a 
mother, trying to pacify a squalling child ; there is a buck, 
bowing and scraping to half a dozen top-notch ladies. 
Around the bar is a great scramble for punch, lemonade 
and whiskey. 

When the dinner bell rings, all hands aim for the gentle- 
men's cabin (except the ladies, who take their meals in the 
ladies' cabin on deck), and once in the current which is press- 
ing towards the companion way, a retreat is as difficult as 
rowing up the Falls of Niagara. Down you must go pell mell 
in the crowd, being pushed, hauled, squeezed, and having 
your corns trod upon, in the tug of war for a good seat. 
After several tons of provisions have been swept by the 
board, the grand consideration is to find your beaver and 
set back into fresh air. 



A PILGRIM'S PROGRESS. 137 

Of the wonderful beauty of the scenery along the river, 
and the points of romantic and historic interest, — the Pali- 
sades, the Catskills, West Point with its Military Academy, 
the many villages and towns on both shores, — only a highly 
trained writer can give an adequate description. 

At Poughkeepsie I took a trip to the shore in a small boat. 
The steamer itself does not stop at the landings to put off or 
receive passengers. It merely slacks its speed when near a 
given point, and a small boat is lowered into the water, and 
into this boat are put the people and luggage destined for 
the place. The boat then makes for the wharf, a boatman 
paying out a line wliich connects his craft with the steamer. 
When the passengers have landed, and others, if any there 
be, have embarked, a signal is given, the line is wound up on 
a drum actuated by steam, and the boat is hauled back to the 
steamer in genteel style. Sometimes the steamboat gets a 
very long distance ahead while the small craft is landing and 
receiving cargo, in which case the return is made with start- 
ling velocity. 

As we approached Hudson, at eight o'clock in the evening, 
we saw a curious hedge fence which, on nearer view, proved 
to be a long line of people posted on the hill to observe the 
passage of our steamboat. 

At ten o'clock, all the berths being occupied, I wrapped 
myself up in my cloak, spread myself on a settee and went 
to sleep. At twelve I was roused by a fellow running full 
tilt against my settee and depositing me upon the cabin floor. 
Rising up and rubbing open my eyes, I was about to address 
my disturber with " How now, ye black and midnight hag," 
when I found he had decamped with the crowd who were 
going ashore ; for we had reached the ancient city of Albany. 
Discovering an empty berth, I took possession of it and slept 
comfortably until morning. 

July 19, Monday. I arose before sunrise and looked for 
my Boston acquaintances, but they had gone to some place 



138 A PILGRIM'S PROGRESS. 

to rae unknown. I hired a boy who took one end of my 
trunk, and I the other, and thus we trudged up into the city. 
Meeting a four-wheeled razee with the words " Swiftsure for 
Troy " on the door, I hailed the driver, who hove to and took 
me in. Crossing the ferry we entered the thriving village of 
Troy, whence I proceeded to Centre Village, Lansingburg, 
and breakfasted with my uncle, Benjamin Danforth. 

Here I met a gentleman, Mr. Gilchrist, who was going to 
Saratoga Springs and invited me to go with him. I accepted 
the invitation and we rode out of Lansingburg, over a long 
bridge across the river to Waterford, and through Mechanics- 
ville and Malta to Slab City (so called from its numerous 
sawmills and the resulting slabs), where we dined. Thence 
we proceeded to our destination. 

The road from Waterford to Saratoga crosses the canal 
three or four times. It is rough and gloomj^ and when one 
suddenly enters the beautiful village of Saratoga, the change 
is delightful. If one enters in the evening, coming out of 
silence and darkness, he is charmed by the sweet strains of a 
cotillion band and by the brilliant illumination of the Halls 
which, by a little exercise of the imagination, can be found to 
resemble fairy palaces. This celebrated watering place is the 
grand resort of persons from all parts of the Union and even 
from Europe. Hither come ladies, doctors, lawyers, judges, 
deacons, ministers, merchants, farmers, gamblers, tliieves, and, 
especially noticeable, dandies. The manners of a few of them 
are ridiculous in the extreme. Seeing a buck of the very first 
water promenading with a bevy of belles reminded me of a 
full-blooded turkey cock marshalling his family of hens with 
the pride and pomposity of that master of ceremonies of the 
feathered tribe, and recalled to my memory the following 

lines : — 

" A cock beneath a stable pent 

Was strutting o'er some heaps of dung ; 
And as around and round he went, 

The mettled coursers stamped and flung. 



A PILGRIM'S PROGRESS. 139 

Bravo ! quoth he, a decent noise I 

We make quite a tollol pother ! 
But let's take care, my merry bo}^s, 

Lest we should tread on one another." 

Visitors do not appear to make long visits here, and there 
is a continuous ingress and egress. People arrive in the after- 
noon, take a comforting sip at the springs, dance until two 
o'clock in the morning, rise at ten, breakfast, and off they go. 
The principal boarding houses are Congress Hall, United 
States Hotel, Union Hotel and The Pavillion. The principal 
street, which is very wide and handsome, runs nearly north 
and south. There are a number of springs in the village. The 
one most frequented is near Congress Hall. There is a railing 
around it, inside of which stand two or three small boys with 
cups, waiting upon the visitors. The water is served gratis^ 
but 3"ou are at liberty to hand the boy a penny if you see fit. 

In the evening, after a thunder storm had passed, we rode 
over a very uneven, crooked and unpleasant road seven miles, 
to Ballston, where we arrived at nine o'clock and found very 
good accommodations at a tavern. 

July 20, Tuesday. Arose at seven and met a Boston ac- 
quaintance, Mr. Winchester, with whom I breakfasted. Ball- 
ston is not an unpleasant place and resembles some of the 
country villages of Massachusetts. Its situation is not so in- 
viting as that of Saratoga, and it is quite dull in comparison. 
There were perhaps a hundred visitors here, and there could 
have been not less than eight times that number at Saratoga. 
The waters of the two places are very similar in taste. The 
most noted boarding house here is the Sans Souci Hotel, much 
the largest wooden building that I have ever seen. 

At ten o'clock we rode away and dined at Mechanicsville 
as a shower had come up. At Lansingburg I called on my 
old Norton acquaintance, Tom Morey, whom I had not seen 
for nearly twenty years. I stopped at Eleazer Walker's [at 
whose tavern in Norton the narrator had served when a boy]. 



140 A PILGRIM'S PROGRESS. 

July 21, Wednesday. Took a ride in the afternoon with 
Mrs. Walker and her sister, Mary Horton, and in the evening 
all hands walked to Troy, where we regaled ourselves with 
icecreams, lemonade, punch, etc. 

July 22, Thursday. Arose at five and took the stage (with 
seven others, all of the fair sex) to Albany, where I stopped 
at Rockwell's Mansion House. It was excessively warm, I 
met no acquaintances, and, for the first time since leaving 
Providence, I found it dull, and my spirits were depressed. 
To cheer myself up, I took a walk about the city, which is as 
large as Providence and contains some very handsome build- 
ings. The State Caj)itol is a beautiful piece of architecture, 
and in front of it there is a handsome parade. Pearl Street 
is a wide thoroughfare. I saw some very pretty girls ; also a 
plenitude of dandies and of old women crying Ras-berr-ies, 
with the first syllable singing D, and at the last one rising up 
to high G. I followed one of these old women about half a 
mile, just to hear her cry of Ras-berr-ies. 

Fortunately I fell in with a fellow-passenger of the North 
River steamboat, named Stephen Putnam, a very pleasant, 
polite and apparently clever young man, and my spirits rose. 
We walked out to the basin of the great canal, where there 
were beautiful canal boats furnished in handsome stjde. 
Here have been erected, for the reception of merchandise, 
a number of store-houses, owned largely by an eccentric old 
gentleman who engages in various branches of business. In 
letters two feet high are painted such signs as Uncle Joe's 
Stable and Blacksmith Shop, and Uncle Joe's Gro- 
cery AND Tavern. 

July 23, Friday. At three o'clock was awoke by the stage 
driver, who was pulling me out of bed ; dressed in a hurry ; 
had my baggage fixed on the top of the Boston stage and 
stumbled inside, liitting the one passenger already enshrined 
a punch with my elbow ; but he was fast asleep and merely 
grunted. Other passengers then came popping in until the 



A PILGRIM'S PROGRESS. 141 

coach was fall. It was as dark as Egypt and I could not see 
what sorts of persons I had as fellow-travellers, but from the 
odors I conjectured a motley crowd. We crossed the ferry, 
and soon the day began to dawn, and we began to stretch our 
necks and reconnoitre one another like fowls in a strange roost. 
I was not disax^pointed, — the scent was true, — I was with 
the meanest crew ever stowed in the inside of a public coach. 
We passed through Schodack, Nassau, a pretty village eleven 
and a half miles from Albany, and New Lebanon, a quite 
noted watering place, with springs of beautifully transparent 
water in every direction. There is a large boarding house on 
an elevated spot, where are the principal springs, and whence 
one commands a full view of the Shakers' village, the water- 
falls, caverns, hills and valleys. Masses of fog rolling down 
the mountain sides heightened the wonderful scenic effect. 

Now we crossed the mountain range which here separates 
the States of New York and of Massachusetts. As the stage 
toiled up the ascent on the western side, taking two hours to 
cover about two miles, I walked and enjoyed the views. Be- 
yond the summit we passed Hancock and came to Pittsfield. 

At Pittsfield I discovered that the stage-agent at Albany 
had deceived me with regard to the route and the price of 
fare, and in my indignation I took my trunk off the coach 
and informed the agent that I would stay here until I was 
drummed out, before I would travel further in this line of 
stages ; and the coach rolled away without me. I dined at 
the tavern and then, failing to find any other way of continu- 
ing my journey than the one I had discarded, walked about 
the beautiful village to cool myself off. In my walk I fell in 
with a batcher, a very sociable and communicative fellow, 
who told me that by going to Lanesboro, about six miles dis- 
tant, and waiting there some two or three hours, I could take 
the opposition stage ; and, he added jocosely, if I would help 
him peddle his mutton, he would carry me and my baggage 
thither. On my readily accepting his offer, he lent me a frock 



142 A PILGRIM'S PROGRESS. 

and we started off. I went in advance, to reconnoitre and to 
cry his mutton, wliich found quick sale at three or four cents 
per pound, and gave me the opportunity for some pleasant 
ciiit-chats with the girls who came out with their mothers to 
inspect ourselves and our wares. The mutton was all gone 
sometime before we reached the very pretty country town of 
Lanesboro, and I had gained the reputation of being a very 
good salesman. 

Stopping at the tavern in the centre of the town I was in- 
formed by mine host that an important law case was on the 
tapis in his hall, and that, if I wished, he would show me up 
and give me a seat. The hall was a large and commodious 
room, and was well filled by a large audience, who manifested 
so great interest in the case on hand that I inferred that some 
criminal was being tried for a capital offence. But by close 
attention I found that it was Aldrich versus Bagg, and Bagg 
versus Aldrich. Bagg's wall around his vegetable patch not 
being very high, Aldrich's oxen had jumped over it and eaten 
up Bagg's pumpkins; Bagg had "pounded" Aldrich's oxen, 
and then Aldrich had pounded Bagg. Some of the evidence 
was very amusing, and it was with regret that I heard the 
stage drive up and was obliged to leave the court before all 
the testimony had been given. 

Taking passage in the stage, which already contained a 
number of people — among them a very handsome lady from 
Albany — I was driven away. Our road led through Ches- 
hire, where I saw the press in which the great Jefferson 
cheese was made. Near by was a sign " Up to Savoy, 5 
miles," — a very correct direction, for the back part of Mas- 
sachusetts is very hilly. The passengers kept dropping off 
by the way, and when we arrived at Plainfield, at nine 
o'clock, none was left except the lady from Albany and 
myself. Here we stopped for supper and to sleep. The 
landlord was a jovial soul, and sat up with me until midnight, 
tellino- stories. 



A PILGRIM'S PROGRESS. 143 

July 24, Saturday. We started off at six A. M., and rode 
through Ashfield, Conway and Deerfield. At Muddy Brook 
[Bloody Brook?], where we breakfasted, I found an acquaint- 
ance, Mrs. Black of Quincy, Mass. We crossed the Connecti- 
cut by a long bridge and continued on through Sunderland, 
Shutesbury and New Salem, reaching Dana at 5 o'clock. I 
staid here over night with uncle Samuel Danforth. 

July 25, Sunday. Went to church in the morning and 
heard Rev. Mr. Huntingdon preach. At half-past one I left 
with cousin Henry Danforth for Worcester, riding through 
Petersham, Barre, Oakham and Paxton. Arrived at Worces- 
ter at half-past seven and stopped at StockwelFs. This is a 
flourishing village. All the buildings are in excellent repair; 
I did not see an old house in the place. I was told that here 
society lines were drawn sharply — only lawyers pass as cur- 
rent coin with the upper crust — one must be acquainted 
with " Daniel Waldo," to ride in the troop with the big-bugs. 

July 26, Monday. Arose at five and took a walk about 
the village. In the vicinity the land is finely cultivated and 
the roads are elegant. Took stage at half-past eight and 
passed through Grafton, Upton, Mendon (where I dined), 
Bellingham, Cumberland, Smithfield and Pawtucket, into 
Providence, arriving home at four o'clock and finding every- 
thing in flourishing condition. I have been absent twenty- 
two days, and have travelled about eight hundred miles. 
The journey has cost me about forty dollars, and I hope that 
the money has been well laid out. The memory of it must 
ever be pleasant. 




SOCIAL LIFE IN PROVIDENCE. 



LMON DANFORTH HODGES, before begin- 
ning business on his own account, had been 
called Danforth Hodges, or more familiarl}-, 
Danforth, by his relatives and friends. When 
he had attained to the dignity of a merchant, he was known, 
except by his intimates, as Mr. Hodges. A few years later, 
having risen to the command of a Rhode Island regiment, 
he was styled universally, outside of his own family circle. 
Colonel, or Colonel Hodges, and thus was best known during 
the rest of his life. In editing those parts of this narrative 
in which it has not seemed possible to have him speak in the 
first person, I have made strenuous efforts to refer to him 
under some of the above appellations, sinking my own indi- 
viduality — and my efforts have been utterly vain. So now 
I come unblushingly forward and henceforth claim him as 
my father. 

Soon after his arrival in Providence in 1823, he went to 
live with his former employer, George Gilbert, at 19 Wey- 
bosset Street, and there remained, with a few brief intermis- 
sions, until his marriage. He was fond of and loyal to his 
old master, and always retained most friendly relations with 
him and his family. 

The store of Stimson & Hodges was opened betime in the 
morning. The hour of closing is nowhere stated definitely 
in fathers Journal, but the business day was a long one at 
this period, and it is safe to affirm that opportunities for trade 
were afforded by this energetic firm from early morn until 
the curfew bell of the First Baptist Church tolled the hour 

(144) 



SOCIAL LIFE IN PROVIDENCE. 145 

of nine. Yet matters were so arranged that neither partner 
was debarred from frequent participation in the pleasures of 
society, of which both were fond and for which both were 
well fitted. 

The first entertainment recorded in the Journal, after the 
School Exhibition in Norton described on a previous page, 
was a theatrical performance in which James W. Wallack* 
took the part of Reuben Glenny. 

The first society mentioned was The Hydraulion Company, 
which my father joined in 1823. This was the crack vol- 
unteer fire company of Providence, and had recently been 
formed. Their engine, bought in 1822 of Sellers & Pennock 
of Philadelphia, was a great improvement on the older ma- 
chines, wliich were simply force pumps with tanks hand- 
filled with water by means of buckets, while this was an 
adequate self-supplying as well as discharging apparatus. 
" It was the first successful and complete suction fire-engine 
made in the United States, far excelling and superseding 
all preceding fire-engines and systems. Its original cost was 
'f725, but its subsequent elaborate ornamentation, at the 
expense of the company, increased the cost to -13,000." f 
The company, to wliich belonged some of the wealthy and 
influential citizens (such as Zachariah Allen and Elisha Dyer, 
Jr.) and many of the ablest and most energetic young busi- 
ness men (who manned the brakes) was a social club as well. 



* James William Wallack, father of Lester Wallack, came to America 
in 1818, and I saw him in 1819 in the old Federal Theatre in Boston. To 
me he was the most pleasant, if not the greatest, actor whom I ever saw. 
I have seen the elder Kean as Hamlet, the elder Booth as Sir Pertinax 
Mac Sycophant [in Macklin's comedy, TJie Way of the Workl], and many 
other stars. But Mr. Wallack as Rolla, Coriolanus, Don Felix (in Tlie 
Wonder), and in Three and Deuce and The Children in the Wood, not to 
mention Dick Dashall and other characters, made a lasting impression 
on my mind that he was the great actor of his age. [Journal, March 25, 
1877.] 

t Providence Plantations, p. 120. 



146 



SOCIAL LIFE IN PROVIDENCE. 



Its success, both in putting out fires and in having " jolly 
times," led to the formation of other like organizations which 
became prominent features of Providence society. They had 
expensive machines adorned with gold and silver decorations, 
handsome halls for social and business meetings, and brilliant 
uniforms for parades and excursions. Running to a fire was 
usually enlivened by a race with a rival company. Extiu- 




THE FIRST HYDRAULION FIRE ENGINE. 



guishing the blaze was made enjoyably exciting by the effort 
to "suck" (empty) or "wash" (fill to overflowing) another 
" tub," whenever the water was taken from a distant point 
and pumped from engine to engine. After the fire had been 
put out, two companies often indulged in the delightful sport 
of turning their streams on one another, each endeavoring to 
drown out the other and drive it from its macliine. 

When Stimson & Hodges began business, fire insurance (as 
distinguished from marine insurance) was in its infancy, at 
least in Providence. One feature of its growth was the form- 
ation by merchants of small associations for fire protection, 



SOCIAL LIFE IN PROVIDENCE. 147 

such as The Mutual Fire Society, a comparatively old organ- 
ization* which father joined in or about 1830, when it num- 
bered twenty-four members, a list of whose names, residences 
and places of business he preserved among his papers. 

One form of public entertainment then in vogue, fortunately 
now obsolete, and the last one of its kind recorded in these 
Journals, may be noted here as a matter of history : — " 1824, 
November 14. I witnessed the Rhode Island fashion of pun- 
ishing criminals — Bassett flogged with 39 lashes for horse- 
stealing ; Randall stood in the pillory on Court House Square 
about an hour, cropped and branded. The cropping and 
branding did not amount to much." 

The people of Providence must have been a sociable and 
hospitable folk, for there is frequent mention, sometimes as 
often as once a week, of social gatherings at private houses. 
Ways of living were then simple, and recreations were usually 
inexpensive. To " give a party " meant to provide a room or 
rooms in which the guests could chat, sing, dance and have a 
good time ; if a " collation " was added, it was generally 
a slight repast prepared by the family and served in an in- 
formal manner. A "ball" was a more imposing affair, in 
which only a wealthy resident could indulge as host. Some 
of the military companies, the First Light Infantry for in- 
stance, gave annual balls at their armories. But these were 
momentous events, and not very frequent at this period. 

Now and then the young men walked to some tavern for a 
simple meal. " 1825, December 25. Walked to Pawtucket 
and took supper at Blake's. Walked back, as the hackman 
asked one dollar apiece for bringing us in." Walking,! often 



* Jason Williams died this day in Providence in his 89th year. In 1830 
we were members of a Fire Society which he had joined in 1802. [Jour- 
nal, June 6, 1863.] 

t Died this day in Boston, John Tuckerman, aged 71 years. In the 
year 1824 he, with Charles Graapner and Thaxter, walked from Boston 
to Providence [about forty miles] to make me a visit. [Journal, March 
28, 1871.] 



148 SOCIAL LIFE IN PlIOVIDENCE. 

for long distances, was then a very common pastime, espe- 
cially walking for a supper, and so continued to the end of the 
Civil War. Thus it was quite usual in the early sixties for 
Harvard students to walk into Boston in the evening, partake 
of a twenty-five cent plate of delicious waffles at Parker's 
popular hotel, or a fifteen-cent dish of oysters at Copeland's 
oyster-house, and walk back to Cambridge. 

Of the social entertainments at Providence participated in 
by my father, one series is mentioned over and over again 
in his Journals and letters as pre-eminently delightful ; and as 
late as 1876 he compiled a list of those who attended regu- 
larly in the earliest years (1824 to 1826) in which they were 
held. These were the " Cotillion Parties,"* of which he was 
a manager, which met at Peter S. Minard's Washington Hall. 
They were originated by a number of young men who held 
their first meeting, of which he was chairman, on December 
20, 1824, and the first party was given December 30, on 
whicli occasion he " waited on " Miss Martha Comstock, whom 
he married about three years later. From sixty to ninety 
young ladies and gentlemen attended these festive meetings, 
for wliich " party " seems altogether too modest a title. There 
was dancing, with buglers to punctuate the time ; and there 
was a supper of cakes and pies and wine, — as many as seven- 
teen bottles of wine, costing one dollar apiece, were charged 
in one bill ; and there were carriages provided for some- 
bodies, perhaps distinguished guests, at the general expense ; 
and altogether these must have been very grand occasions. 
The first season each party cost the entertainers about seventy- 
five dollars, say two dollars apiece, and there were four parties 
each winter. The business management must have been good, 
as at the end of one season there was on hand a surplus of 
eleven dollars and fifty cents, which, " by vote of the Provi- 
dence Cotillion Party," was presented to the Dorcas Society. 

*See Appendix V. 



SOCIAL LIFE IN PROVIDENCE. 149 

Being very fond of music, and possessing a sweet tenor voice 
of somewhat unusual range, father became a member of sev- 
eral musical associations. The first of these, in order of time, 
was a glee club which, under the familiar appellation of The 
Pig and Wliistle Club, met frequently for practice, sang at 
social gatherings, and on balmy nights serenaded the young 
ladies. Perhaps they sometimes sang at political meetings, 
for one of their songs was the following ditty, then locally 
popular, which refers to President Andrew Jackson and his 

" Kitchen Cabinet " : * 

GLEE. 

Tune. — "Z)ame Burden." 

King Andrew had five trusty Squires, 

Wtiom he held his bid to do ; 
He also liad three pilot fish, 

To give to the sharks their cue. 
There was Lew. and Ben. and Lev. and Bill, 

And Roger of Tawney hue, 
And Blair the Book, and Kendall chief cook, 

And Isaac, surnamed the True. 
And Blair push'd Lewis, and Ben. touch'd Billy, 
And Ike jogg'd Levi, and Cass touch'd Amos 

And Roger of Tawney hue. 

Now was not this a medley crew 

As ever a mortal knew ? 

King Andrew had an itching palm 

To finger the nation's cash ; 
Most of 'em thought 'twas just the thing. 

But some, it would be rash. 
He asked Lew. and Ben. and Lev. and Bill, 

And Roger of Tawney hue, 



* The eight Kitchen Cabinet members here mentioned were : Lewis 
Cass, becretary of War ; Benjamin F. Butler, Attorney General ; Levi 
Woodbury, Secretary of the Navy and of the Treasury ; William B. Lewis 
of Tennessee ; Roger B. Taney, Attorney General, Acting Secretary of the 
Treasury, later Chief Justice ; Francis P. Blair, Editor of the Washing- 
ton Globe; Amos Kendall, Postmaster General ; and Isaac Hill, Editor 
of the New Hampshire Patriot and U. S. Senator. 



150 SOCIAL LIFE IN PROVIDENCE. 

And Blair the Book, and Kendall chief cook, 

And Isaac surnamed the True. 
And Blair push'd Lewis, and Ben. touch'd Billy 
And Ike jogg'd Levi, and Cass touch'd Amos 

And Roger of Tawney hue. 

Now was not this a medley crew 

As ever a mortal knew ? 

The Gen'ral took his cook's advice, 

And hurried away the Rhino ; 
But where it went — aye, there's the rub — 

I'm sure neither you nor I know. 
For there's Lew. and Ben. and Lev. and Bill, 

And Roger of Tawney hue, 
And Blair the Book, and Kendall chief cook. 

And Isaac surnamed the True. 
And Blair push'd Lewis, and Ben. touch'd Billy 
And Ike jogg'd Levi, and Cass touch'd Amos 

And Roger of Tawney hue. 

Now was not this a medley crew 

As ever a mortal knew ? 

Early in 1824 father began to take music lessons of Oliver 
Shaw,* on either the violin or the clarinet, or both, as he played 
both at a later day. In the spring of 1826 he was elected 
president of the ^olian Society at its first meeting — a musi- 
cal society which breathed softly and soon died. In 1827 and 
1828 he was treasurer, and his friend Cornelius S. Cartee was 
secretary, of the Rossini Association, which ended its melo- 
dious existence about 1829, when A. D. Hodges, William H. 
Townsend, Sylvanus Tingley and Cornelius S. Cartee, " Mem- 
bers of the Rossini Association," did " resign and convey to 
the Philharmonic Society all our right, title and interest in 
and to eight music books." 

* Oliver Shaw, aged 70, au old and valued friend, died in Providence 
December 31. He has been blind over fifty years, but has brought up a 
large family of children by his exertions as teacher of music. [Journal, 
Jan. 1, 1S49.] 



SOCIAL LIFE IN PROVIDENCE. 151 

The Providence Philharmonic Society was probably organ- 
ized by Oliver Shaw in 1829, and became at once one of the 
most prominent associations of the place. It was composed 
of two classes of members, the subscribers and the active 
members, and comprised an orchestra and a glee club. It had 
a successful career of five winter seasons, during which it 
gave twenty-six concerts of vocal and instrumental music, 
besides several " rehearsals," and a few concerts for charita- 
ble purposes open to the public, — all occasions of intense 
enjoyment for the performers and presumably of pleasure for 
the auditors. 

The names of those active members who are mentioned in 
father's Journals were as follows : — 

Oliver Shaw, president and leader Marcus Coburn, leader of 
1829 to 1832. the glee club. 

Edward K. Hansen, violin soloist, William E. Cutting, second 
president and leader 1833 to clarinet.J 

1834.* Eichard E. Eddy. 

A. D. Hodges, first clarinet, sec- John F. B. Flagg.§ 

retary ; also in the glee club. Joseph C. Greene, bugle. 

Job Angell. Lang, bugle. 

H. E. Barney. Danforth Lyon.|| 

Cornelius S. Cartee.f John Lyon. 

Samuel Cartee. Moses Noyes. 



* Edward R. Hansen, aged 56, died in Berlin, 111., July 9, 1854. Late 
president of the old Philharmonic Society in Providence. An accom- 
plished musician and a valued friend. [Journal, Sept. 14-, 1854.] 

t See Appendix V. 

t William E. Cutting, in his 48th year. Notice of his death in the 
Providence paper. My old friend. He played second clarinet to my 
first in the old Providence Philharmonic Society. {Journal, Nov. 22, 
1S4S.] 

§ Dr. J. F. B. Flagg, aged about 70, died in West Chester, Penn., on 
the Sth inst. A former resident of Providence. My old friend and dent- 
ist, and fellow-member of the Providence Philharmonic Society. [Jour- 
nal, Sept. 17, 1872.] 

II Danforth Lyon, aged 72, died in Providence this day. [Journul, 
Ain-il 12, 1857.] 



152 



SOCIAL LIFE IN PROVIDENCE. 



James N, Olney.* 
George Peirce. 
William H. Smith. f 



Samuel Tingley. 
Sylvanus Tingley. J 
Leander M. Ware. 



The last concert of the Society was given on May 5, 1884, 
with the following programme : — 



(©(Dii®isia*a*' 



Tilt Sixth and last Concert of the Course, hy Iht 
Philhamwnic Society, takes place at the Ma^oiuc 
Hall, 



IPiUBSnOtEfEiAffiSo 



Part 1. 

! OvEBTnRE — La Dame Blanche 

2 Song — Cry of the Hounds 

3 MiNUETTO — 

4 (iLEE — Hark the Curfew 

5 UONDO — 

6 Ombra Adorato — Two Flutes, Piano accom- 

paniment 

7 Overture — Guy Mannerinsf 



Boildim 

Bishop 

Gyi oiLLtz 

JltWOOil 

CyroiLLiz 

Zin^cicll 
JUiiho]) 



Part II. 

Overture — Tancredi 

Song— The Sea 

Adagio and Minuetto — 

Solo— Violin ^flft/^n/ 

Providence First Light Infantry Grand Match 

Glee — Lutzow's Wild Hunt 

Finale — Battle of Prague. 



IiO!.SWl 

Chev. JVeukomm 
Plcjd 



Hansen 
Vl^ebcr 



Subscribers can obtain extra tickets, for Ladies, by applying at 
No 19, Arcade. 
The Overture will commence at quarter before 8 o'clock 




* See Appendix V. One of the founders of the Brooklyn, N. Y., Phil- 
liarmouic Society, if the Editor's memory is correct. Founder of several 
musical societies in San Francisco and Oakland, Cal. 

t William Henry Smith [possibly not the member of the Philharmonic 
Society] died in Providence on the 19th inst. The late Governor Dorr's 
Secretary of State. [Journal, May 20, 1S60.] 

I Sylvanus Tingley, aged about 72, died in Attlehorough, Mass., the 
last summer. A member of the old Providence Philharmonic Society. 
[Journal, Sept. 28, 1S54.] 



SOCIAL LIFE IN PROVIDENCE. 153 

On January 26, 1825, a debating society was formed with 
the euphonious title of The Rliode Island Association of 
Economical and Odd Fellows — an unofficial variant recorded 
is The Rascally Ignorant Abominable Officious Evil Arrogant 
Odd Fellows — whose initials, T. R. I. A. O. *E. A. O. F., 
were used in the printed notices, and wliich was commonly 
called, in briefer parlance. The Odd Fellows. " The society 
flourished more than twenty years, and numbered among its 
members some of the most talented men of Rhode Island. 
The officers for the first year were : F. L. Wheaton, presi- 
dent ; Allen O. Peck and Almon D. Hodges, vice presidents ; 
John Howell, secretary ; besides some others whose names I 
do not now (1859) remember, except Dudley Hix, the door- 
keeper, the queerest and most comical specimen of humanity 
ever produced in that neighborhood. At the first meeting 
the president delivered a witty address, and James A. Jack- 
son recited a poem." * 

The members of this society believed in the formal observ- 
ance of the anniversaries of important national events, and 
strove to spread this belief among their fellow citizens. When 
they could not induce the town of Providence to commemo- 
rate a day of historical importance — the Glorious Fourth, for 
instance — they held a celebration of their own, with supper, 
oration and poem, to which they invited prominent guests. 
When they were successful in their efforts, they took active 
part in the public ceremonies. My father was several times a 
member of the Committee of Arrangements at public celebra- 
tions of the Fourth of July, and on the one hundredth anni- 
versary of Washington's Birthday, he acted as Chief Marshal. f 

* Kecollections of A. D. H. 

t On February 22, 1832, the 100th anniversary of Washington's birth, 
I acted as Marshal of the Day, George W. Hallett and James N. Olney 
being Assistant Marshals. Judge John H. Pitman was the Orator, and 
Samuel Ames read the Farewell Address. There was a large processiuu. 
After the oration I had a reception at my residence in the Eddy house on 
Brown Street, and introduced the Assistant Marshals to my son Dauforth, 
then a lad of five months. [Journal, Feb. 26\ 1875^ and Feb. 22, ISS..'. 



154 SOCIAL LIFE IN PROVIDENCE. 

Tlie spirit of the time with reference to public festivities 
is shown by the following letter printed in the Providence 
Jour7ial of June 25, 1872 : — 

Recollections of the Olden Time in Providence — 
Fourth of July Celebrations. 

Portsmouth, R. L, June 21 [1872]. 

The fiftieth anniversary of American Independence, 1826, was 
celebrated in Providence by a grand show of both the civil and 
the military authorities. General Josiah Whitaker and Colonel 
Nehemiah S. Draper were of the committee of arrangements, and 
they were very successful in their efforts to make the celebration 
worthy of the occasion. Hon. William Hunter delivered the ora- 
tion in the First Congregational Church (Dr. Edes), and it was 
one of his most successful efforts. During one of his most happy 
flights of oratory, he looked over the pulpit into a pew near the 
front, where were seated four of " the boys," as he termed them 
with an eloquent reference to their act, who had a hand in the 
destruction of the English ship Gaspee in Providence River at 
the commencement of tlie Revolution ; and such a storm of ap- 
plause arose from the closely packed audience as was never before 
heard in that venerable house. Dr. Ephraim Bowen, Dr. John 
Mawney and Turpin Smith were there seated as three of "the 
boys." * 

There had been an opposition to the appropriation of large sums 
of money for sucli occasions for a few years, and if my recollec- 
tion serves me rightly, five hundred dollars, an extraordinary sum 
for the occasion, were appropriated for that year. The opposition 
at the Town House was so intense against a celebration in 1827, 
or it was found so difficult to get gentlemen to serve on the com- 
mittee, that it was passed over at the town meeting. But the 



* The same writer in another letter on tliis same subject, printed in 
the Providence Journal of July 4, 1876, stated : "Tlie four boys referred 
to above were Col. Ephraim Bowen, Cajjt. Turpin Smith, Dr. John 
Mawney and Capt. Benjamin Page, all nearly or over eighty years of 



SOCIAL LIFE IN PROVIDENCE. 155 

young men took the matter in hand, a very generous sum was 
raised by suhscrij^tion, a committee of young men, sixteen in num- 
ber, was appointed, and a splendid celebration followed. William 
S. Patten was chairman ; Amos D. Smith was secretary ; Albert 
G. Greene, one of the best speakers in those days for occasions of 
the kind, was the orator ; and excellently well did all parties do 
their parts. The committee erected a splendid arch, spanning the 
Great Bridge, which our oldest citizens probably will recollect. 

When the next year's June town meeting was held (1828) for 
the purpose of making an appropi'iation for celebrating the fifty- 
second anniversary, we had the usual opposition, but, if I recollect 
rightly, two hundred and fifty dollars were appropriated. The 
usual difficulty about obtaining a committee of arrangements 
arose at the meeting. A great many gentlemen were tendered 
the honor, but all declined except Almon D. Hodges and Samuel 
I. Smith. Both of these being absent from town, there was no 
opportunity for them to decline at the meeting ; and on their ar- 
rival home they consented to serve provided that they could 
obtain an orator. After they had called on a large number of 
eloquent gentlemen who declined, Rev. David Pickering con- 
sented, with the understanding that some other reverend gentle- 
man should make the prayer. A large number of the ministers 
of Providence were called on and all declined. In this dilemma 
the orator told the committee that, if it would be any particular 
accommodation to them, he would serve as orator, make the prayer, 
perform the sexton's and the usher's duties — do anything except 
play on the organ ; he somewhat doubted his ability to do that. 
And as his organist, Henry H. Fish, was absent, he proposed con- 
gregational music without the organ. The reverend gentleman 
went through all services required of him, very much to the satis- 
faction of the committee and with a very happy effect on the 
audience. The committee, having some doubts of the appropria- 
tion holding out, sj)ent thirty dollars for fireworks, which, with 
the assistance of Edward Carlisle, they fired off thetnselves, from 
an old scow on the Cove in the evening. According to the best 
of my remembrance, these were the first fireworks at a Fourth of 
July celebration in Providence, and w^ere quite satisfactory to the 
assembled crowd. 



156 SOCIAL LIFE IN" PROVIDENCE. 

The appropriation was not all expended, and the balance in the 
hands of the committee, twenty-three dollars and eighty-two cents, 
was paid back to the venerable town treasurer, John Rowland, who 
said to the writer that such an act, according to his best recollection, 
knowledge and belief, had never before been heard of. a. d. h. 

The Providence Athenaeum was chartered originally in 
June, 1831. It later united with the Providence Library, 
and the consolidated society was incorporated in January, 
1836, as The Atheneum, A. D. Hodges being one of the 
corporators. The library was located in the Arcade until 
July 16, 1836, when the present building on Benefit Street 
was opened. 

Commencement Day at Brown University was for many 
years the great holiday of Providence. All citizens were 
supposed to be at home, and a large number kept open house. 
From time out of mind until Dr. Wayland became president 
(in 1827), it had been the custom on the evening before 
Commencement for the students to illuminate the various 
buildings, entertain their friends, and have a general jollifica- 
tion, attracting crowds to the college grounds. This custom 
Dr. Wayland abolished, despite strong opposition on the part 
of the students. 

Monday, August 23, 1824, was a great day for Rhode Island, 
and a long and oratorical day for the Nation's Guest, General 
Lafaj'^ette. 

Early in the morning the General left Plainfield, Connecti- 
cut, about thirty miles from Providence, and rode under escort 
to the State line. Here he was met, with welcoming speeches, 
by the aides of the Governor of Rhode Island and other 
persons, and conducted to the Providence boundary. At this 
point the representatives of the town met him, delivered 
themselves of their speech, and placed him in a barouche 
drawn by four white horses ; and amid the booming of 
cannon, he was escorted through town by a procession more 




GENERAL LAFAYETTE. 



GENERAL LAFAYETTE. 157 

than a mile long. The General rode alone, uncovered, sa- 
luted with a continuous roar of cheers, — the crowd, through 
which he passed slowly, taking advantage of every pause to 
obtain the honor of grasping his hand. It was a general holi- 
day. All the stores were closed and all business ceased. 

At the foot of the State House parade, on North Main 
Street, Lafayette alighted and walked between lines of wliite- 
clad girls who strewed his path with flowers. Entering the 
State House, he embraced his former companion in arms, 
Stephen Olney, and was received — with more oratory — by 
Governor James Fenner and other officials. Crossing Benefit 
Street to the Globe tavern,* he held there a popular reception, 
and was banqueted, and toasted, by the town authorities. 
About half-j^ast four in the afternoon, arm in arm with the 
Governor, he walked in review in front of the militia, drawn 
up on parade on Benefit Street, and on arriving at the end of 
the line was again addressed. Entering a carriage with the 
Governor, an officer of the militia (Col. Bowen), and a dis- 
tinguished citizen (Zachariah Allen), he rode away, cheered 
by the populace and escorted by a numerous company on 
horseback and in carriages. 

In Pawtucket the General was greeted by a display of 
flags, ringing of bells, salutes of artillery, and a fresh con- 
course of enthusiastic people. He alighted for a few minutes, 
and many citizens were introduced to him, shook hands with 
him, and evinced a willingness to address him. Thence he 
proceeded, still under escort, to the Massachusetts boundary, 
which he reached at six o'clock, where he was formally and 
oratorically turned over to the care of the Bay State, repre- 
sented officially by the Governor's staff and unofficially by an 
admiring multitude. 



*Then kept by Sanford Horton. Called formerly the Goldea Ball 
Inn, and subsequently Chappotin's Tavern and Hotel and the City Man- 
sion House. 



158 GENERAL LAFAYETTE. 

The triumphal procession moved on along the turnpike 
to Boston, everywhere greeted with enthusiasm. At eight 
o'clock it came to Fuller's tavern in Walpole, where " a large 
battalion of troops " was encountered ; also shoutings and ad- 
dresses. Near midnight Dedham was reached. The town 
was illuminated. A brief stop was made, a large number of 
ladies and gentlemen was introduced and a few brief speeches 
were spoken. At Roxbury there were rockets, salvos of artil- 
lery, and more cheering; and here, escorted by a throng of 
people, he arrived at two o'clock in the morning at the resi- 
dence of his old friend of the Continental Army, Governor 
William Eustis, was embraced, introduced, hand-shaken, ad- 
dressed, cheered madly, and finally allowed to go to bed. 

This seems to have been a sample day of Lafayette's tri- 
umphant tour through the United States, That for a whole 
year he could listen diurnally to so many " eloquent speeches " 
and make so many " fitting replies," indicates strong powers 
of endurance. 

The son of Jonathan Hodges of the Continental Army was 
not the man to remain quiet on such an occasion. He was 
among the most enthusiastic of those who welcomed Lafay- 
ette at Providence, and his enthusiasm was not satisfied with 
one day of welcome. After the banquet, he and other ardent 
young men secured an extra stage and started for Boston, 
keeping a little in advance of the General. When Fuller's 
tavern in South Walpole was reached, it being quite dark, the 
battalion of light infantry posted there mistook the first car- 
riage for that containing the General, and gave its occupants 
a military salute. The salute was returned with such over- 
charged pomp and politeness by the party in the stage, that 
the troops were first stunned and then excited. Stony pro- 
jectiles flew towards the vehicle, whose driver whipped up his 
horses and carried his rejoicing passengers out of range. 

At half-past twelve o'clock the party reached Boston and 
passed the store of J. D. & M. Williams. Here father, fear- 



GENERAL LAFAYETTE. 159 

ing great difficulty in securing a bed at any public house on 
account of the crowds pouring into the city, made a burglari- 
ous entry and took possession of the bedchamber of the 
clerks, who had gone to Roxbury to see the reception at 
the Eustis house. Arising at five o'clock, he hunted up his 
old company, the Boston City Guards, who welcomed him to 
their ranks. With this company, acting as non-commissioned 
officer, he marched to again greet Lafayette. 

It was one of Boston's greatest celebrations. The city 
authorities, the military companies, and a great throng of 
civilians marched out on the Neck to the Roxbury line. 
Here General Lafayette was received in the usual manner, 
Mayor Josiah Quincy " speaking with great eloquence," and 
the General " making a fitting reply." Then the procession 
— the largest escort ever seen in Boston up to this time — 
started back through the crowded streets and past the pro- 
fusely decorated houses, amid peals of bells, roars of cannon 
and shoutings of the multitude. On arriving at the Common, 
the General reviewed the pupils of the public schools who, 
drawn up in double lines on the Tremont Street Mall and 
attired in red, white and blue, sang the Marseillaise and threw 
flowers before his feet. At the State House the State and 
City authorities formally received their guest, who was after- 
wards escorted to his temporary residence at the head of Park 
Street, where he held a public reception. About five o'clock 
there was the usual banquet, with the inevitable toasts, at the 
Exchange Coffee House. 

The most notable decoration this day was a triumphal arch 
on Washington Street, just south of Dover Street, at the site 
of the ancient barrier of 1631, the brick-, stone- and earth- 
works of 1710, and the stronger fortifications of 1774. In- 
scribed on this arch was a motto (written by Boston's 
banker-poet, Charles Sprague) wliich became famous, and is 
said to have called tears to the eyes of General Lafayette. 
" It made such an impression on me," wrote my father in 



160 BUNKER HILL MONUMENT. 

1875, " that I committed it to memory, and it has remained 
with me more than fifty years : — 

' The fathers in glory shall sleep, 

Who gathered with thee to the fight ; 
But their sons will eternally keep 

The tablet of gratitude bright. 
We bow not the head, we bend not the knee. 
But our hearts, Lafayette, we surrender to thee.' " 

On Wednesday father returned by stage to Providence, 
starting from Boston at nine in the morning, stopping two 
hours for dinner at Policy's tavern in Walpole, and arriving 
home at sunset. 

Another, perhaps grander, occasion on which Lafayette was 
the principal star, and in which my father participated, was 
the laying of the corner-stone of Bunker Hill Monument on 
June 17, 1825. 

On the 15th of June* a jjarty of six young men, representing 
the senior class of Brown LTniversity (such of the students as 
wished to attend the celebration being granted a vacation for the 
purpose), the Providence Cadets, the Providence Light Infantry, 
and the Pig and Whistle Club, four in a hack and two in a chaise, 
started from Providence at four o'clock in the morning to attend 
the great celebration at Charlestown. These were CorneHus S. 
Cartee of Brown, Capt. Solomon II. Mudge of the Cadets, Isaac 
H. Cady, Almon D. Hodges (these in the hack), John K. Bartlett, 
for many years Secretary of State of Rhode Island, and Albert 
F. Dyer. We intended to take it leisui-ely and to have a good 
time generally ; and fearing that we might not find accommoda- 
tion at a hotel, on account of the great rush from all parts of the 
country, we took along a company tent with all its equipments, 
intending to pitch it on Boston Common in case of emergency. 

We reached Taunton at seven o'clock and there breakfasted. 
At ten o'clock we arrived at Bridgewater and encamped in a va- 

* Condensed from the printed narratives of A. D. Hodges and Cor- 
nelius S. Cartee, found among father's papers. 



BUNKER HILL MONUMENT. 161 

cant lot near the South Bridgewater meeting house. Here we 
remained until three o'clock in the afternoon, dining and singino- 
songs and glees, which soon drew around us a goodly companj'^ of 
the villagers. In return for our music, we were honored with a 
serenade by the Bridgewater Band. 

At seven o'clock we reached Randolph and encamped for the 
night. After supper we gave a free concert to a large and de- 
lighted audience. The programme was made up of glees which 
were so popular at that time, such as "Dame Durden," "Chairs to 
Mend," "The Minute Gun at Sea," "Poor Johnny's Dead," and 
" Crows in a Cornfield," all of which were received with unbounded 
applause. 

We broke camp the next (Thursday) morning at four o'clock 
and arrived in Boston at seven, and were fortunate enough to find 
quarters at the old Tontine Coffee House on Washington Street, 
a few doors above Milk Street. Thence we sallied forth " to see 
whatever could be seen ; " and Friday's dawn, " big with the fate 
of see sir and of roam" found us ready to play our part without a 
prompter. 

It was a lovely day. New England was largely represented, 
and great numbers were present from other States of the Union. 
The procession, said to be over three miles in length, was formed 
at the State House in Boston and marched to the summit of 
Bunker Hill in Charlestown. The van, composed of a large mili- 
tary escort in brilliant array, 200 veterans of the Revolution (40 
of them, survivors of the battle, in barouches), some wearing the 
equipments of their ancient and honorable service, a large body 
of the Masonic fraternity in splendid regalia, an extended line of 
societies and associations with their badges and banners, and, con- 
spicuous among all, the honored guest of the Nation, General 
Lafayette, the streets thronged even to the house-tops with a joy- 
ous multitude, — all these presented a spectacle never before wit- 
nessed on this continent. 

With appropriate ceremonies, in the presence of a vast con- 
course, the corner-stone was laid by the Grand Master of the Grand 
Lodge of Massachusetts, assisted by General Lafayette, himself a 
Mason of high degree, and by Daniel Webster, President of the 
Bunker Hill Monument Association. The procession then moved 



162 BUNKER HILL MONUMENT. 

to a spacious amphitheatre on the northern declivity of the hill, 
to hear Mr. Webster's address. At the end of his grand oration 
the entire multitude, with the old Boston Brigade Band accom- 
panying, sang " Old Hundred " in a style never before heard. 
After this came the grand banquet in an edifice erected on Bunker 
Hill for the purpose. Here were collected four thousand guests 
and subscribers to the dinner. 

The next day was devoted by us to sight-seeing, and, on the 
day after, our party returned to Providence. We had a very 
grand and a very jovial time, and not a single incident had oc- 
curred to mar our ])leasure. 

Eighteen years later, in 1843, Colonel Hodges — he was 
Colonel then — was present at the dedication of the Monu- 
ment. The principal guest on this occasion was the Presi- 
dent of the United States. Daniel Webster was again the 
orator. 

On June 15 President Tyler and his suite arrived at noon 
in Providence and were received by the city officials and the 
military companies. Colonel Hodges commanding the Provi- 
dence Horse Guai'ds. The President was escorted to the 
Franklin House where a collation was served, held a recep- 
tion at Westminster Hall, and visited Brown University. At 
half-past five he dined at the Franklin House with the city 
authorities, and in the evening took tea with Governor 
Feinier and attended a party at Mayor Clifford's residence. 
The next morning he departed for Boston. 

On Saturday, June 17, Colonel Hodges, with the Provi- 
dence Light Infantry (and many citizens), left Providence at 
half-past five in the morning and arrived in Boston at half- 
past seven. They joined the procession which began to move 
from the Common about nine o'clock, sixty companies of 
militia with twenty-four bands of music forming the first 
division. When the rear of this division had passed the 
State House, the Governor's body-guard (the Boston and the 
Salem Cadets) fell in, escorting the high dignitaries and 



BUNKER HILL MONUMENT. im 

the invited guests, who were in carriages. Among the guests 
were 108 veterans of the Revolution. Then followed the 
second division, composed of prominent of6cials and citizens 
from the New England and other States, and numerous so- 
cieties. The procession occupied one hour in passing a given 
point, and reached Monument Square in Charlestown two 
hours after leaving the State House. The Presidential party 
with the guests drove at once into the Square, escorted by 
the Boston Lancers and the Cadets (the rest of the military 
escort remaining without), and were followed by the second 
division. Then the guards were withdrawn and the attendant 
throng rushed in. 

After a prayer by Rev. George E. Ellis, Mr. J. T. Bucking- 
ham, President of the Monument Association, introduced the 
orator of the day, who for an hour and fifty-six minutes (those 
who couldn't hear could gaze at their watches) charmed and 
swayed liis audience by liis eloquence. Meantime the militia 
outside the Square received their rations as a substitute for 
rhetoric. 

After the oration, the procession reformed and marched 
back to Boston, where were other festivities, including the 
customary banquet. For these proceedings Colonel Hodges 
and the majority of the Providence visitors did not wait, but 
so soon as Mr. Webster ceased speaking, hurried back to the 
railroad station in Boston and took the half-past four train 
home. " I arrived at home at a quarter-past six, after passing 
a very pleasant day," wrote our Journalist, with much less 
enthusiasm than he had expressed concerning the celebration 
of laying the corner-stone of the Monument. 

A third time (it was the second time chronologically) my 
father started with Providence friends to foregather at Bunker 
Hill. It was on September 10, 1840, when the Wliigs held 
their " great Bunker Hill Convention," claimed as the largest 
political meeting held in New England since the close of the 
Revolutionary War. To this came delegates from almost 



164 WHIG CELEBRATIONS. 

every part of the Union, Rhode Island sending nearly two 
thousand. A procession three miles long, with numbers esti- 
mated from 50,000 to 75,000, marched from the Common in 
Boston to Bunker Hill, where Daniel Webster, " surrounded 
by the venerable men who fought the battles of the Revolu- 
tion," made the principal address. 

Father, not feeling well, dropped out of the procession as 
it left the Common. He dined with his dear friend Moses 
Williams, and in the evening attended a political meeting at 
the Odeon. He spent the night with his friend Dr. Marshall 
S. Perry, who sent him home the next morning. There he 
took to his bed for nearly a month, laid up with inflammatory 
rheumatism,* variegated by an abscess of the cheek which 
entirely closed one eye and caused the loss of several pieces 
of the cheek bones. 

Father was present at the Clay and Frelinghuysen celebra- 
tion in Boston on September 10, 1844, to which Rhode Island 
sent a large delegation. He saw the long procession of horse- 
men and footmen and bands of music, with a great profusion 
of flags and of banners inscribed with mottoes and devices. 
The streets were lined with crowds, and the houses were 
decorated with flags, streamers, flowers and evergreens. He 
attended the big, fervent mass meeting on the Common, which 
vociferously applauded Daniel Webster and other impassioned 
speakers from all parts of the country. Not until the Civil 
War was there another such enthusiastic political gathering 
in New England ; never since that date has there been a 
political meeting at which so many representatives from so 
many different States have been present. 

On September 6, 1842, my father journeyed to Taunton 
and six miles beyond, and visited a " Mormon Camp Meet- 
ing." But as to what was done there, or how he was im- 
pressed, the Journal is silent. 

* He had had a five-weeks' attack of this in 1838. 




MILITARY SERVICE IN RHODE ISLAND. 



N September 30, 1824, "having been duly warned, 
I turned out in the ranks of the Ward Militia 
company, under command of Capt. Christian M. 
Nestell, and was appointed corporal pro tern. We 
marched to the Training Field, where the regiment, com- 
manded by Col. Earl Carpenter, had a field day, including a 
sham fight by the light troops."* 

On July 9, 1825, Almon D. Hodges was appointed and 
commissioned Adjutant of the 2nd Regiment, 2nd Brigade of 
the Rhode Island Militia, by Colonel John Church ; and on 
May 25, 1826, the commission was renewed. This was a 
favorite office. The uniform of the Adjutant was considered 
the handsomest worn, and his duties on parade and drill 
made him very prominent. 

On the fourth Monday of June, 1827, Adjutant Hodges 
was elected Lieutenant Colonel of the same regiment by 
the General Assembly of the State, and was commissioned 
accordingly by " His Excellency, James Fenner, Governor, 
Captain-General and Commander in Chief of the State of 
Rhode Island and Providence Plantations," under date of 
July 2, 1827. 

On the first Wednesday of May, 1828, Lieutenant Colonel 
Hodges was elected Colonel of the same regiment by the 
General Assembly, and was commissioned by the Governor 
on May 12, 1828. 

These military elections by the General Assembly, and com- 
missions by the Governor, were for the term of one year only. 

* Recollections of A. D. H. 
(1(35) 



106 WILITARY SERVICE IN RHODE ISLAND. 

Colonel Hodges was re-elected yearly until 1833, when he 
declined to serve longer. 

Although my father always maintained the proper dignity 
of any position wliich he held, he never allowed consideration 




TO ALL CONCEBNEB. 

BY virtue of Authority, in me vested by the Honourable General As- 
eemljly of the SMe q£- FAe^ -lbjgind and Providence Plantatiop, J dohereW. 
appoint ^o\ifipp^ffr^t^ J^Mz-^^I^A to the Office oi^Mlf^^t^C^r>^, 
in the Second Rcgtoient of Mililia/^^m^State, under my command. 

In executing the duties of which Office, you will strictly conform (o the 
orders you may receive from youf superior Officers j_^£ir j^phich this shall be 
your sufficient Warrant, 

Qvven, underfiny^nd and seal this c^/l/'ytV^^^^-^^ -' ^ay «fj 



^^^y 




of the second Regiment 
f Militia, State of Rhode-Island, 
in the second Brigade^ 



COMMISSION AS ADJUTANT 2d REGIMENT. 



of rank to interfere in the least with duty to country or 
friends. Thus, when the First Light Infantry made a trip 
to Worcester in July, 1829, Colonel Hodges, at the solicitation 
of Captain Field, accepted temporarily the subordinate posi- 
tion of Oommissary of the compayiy, and served in this capacity 



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COL. A. D. HODGES, 



Providence Horse Guards. 



MILITARY SERVICE IN RHODE ISLAND. 171 

during the journey.* When the riots broke out in Provi- 
dence in 1831, and the town was thrown into alarm, Colonel 
Hodges assumed the still lower grade of Orderly Sergeant of 
a hastily-raised volunteer guard, and patrolled the streets 
during the night. And when, on May 18, 1842, the city was 
aroused at midnight by the report that the Dorrites were 
attacking the State arsenal, this man, who had commanded a 
regiment, hastened to the armory of the First Light Infantry 
and marched in the rmiks of the company to repel the attack. 
Intense loyalty to his country was a marked trait in my 
father's character. He was no believer in the Divine Right 
of Governors or of Presidents or even of Party Managers ; 
but he saw clearly that in a Republic it would be ruinous to 
liberty if the minority of voters at any election, being dis- 
satisfied with the result, were allowed to alter that result by 
force of arms. Hence it was that, while not claiming perfec- 
tion for the Constitution of his State, and while willing to 
modify it by legal methods, he at once came to the front to 
defend that Constitution and the Government under it from 
an attempt to destroy them by violence. Thus he was brought 
back in 1842 into the militar}^ life which, he had supposed, 
he had abandoned permanently on account of business and 
family duties. He served energetically wherever his services 
were most needed at the time, whether as private in the ranks 

*The itinerary of this journey was as follows : The company, with a 
band of four pieces, left Providence on July 2 at 5.15 A. M., and marched 
to Horton's Grove on the Blackstone River, where breakfast was served 
at 9 A. M. It then took the canal boat Independence on the Blackstone 
Canal, and was hauled to Millbury, Mass., reaching this town at 9 P. M., 
and encamping there. The Commissary supped on bread and milk. 
The next morning the company re-embarked at 6 A. M., and arrived at 
Worcester at 8.30 A. M. 

The Blackstone Canal, from Providence to Worcester, was opened to 
use July 1, 1828. It was built along the course of the Blackstone River, 
portions of this stream being utilized where it was feasible. It was 
44% miles long, 45 feet wide and 4 feet deep, and had 49 locks. It 
proved a financial failure. 



172 MILITARY SERVICE IN RHODE ISLAND. 

or as commissioned officer. In recognition of his helpfulness, 
the State of Rhode Island presented him with a revolving 
carbine and two horse pistols, wliich he bequeathed to his 
youngest son. 

In May, 1842, there were armed forces in Providence, seem- 
ingly ready to attack one another. On tlie one hand were the 
adherents of Thomas W. Dorr, declaring that they would seize 
the public property ; on tlie other hand were the militia com- 
panies, adhering to the legal authority and prepared to sup- 
port it. Excitement rose to fever heat. About a thousand 
men volunteered in defence of " Law and Order " and were 
enrolled in the "Regiment of Police Companies in the City of 
Providence." On June 4 the Governor commissioned father 
as Captain of the E^'irst Police Company, and on June 29 as 
Lieutenant Colonel of the regiment. The popular excitement 
soon died down, the cause having been removed, and the regi- 
ment seems to have been disbanded ; for, on October 4, father 
was commissioned Captain of the Eleventh Volunteer Com- 
pany of the City of Providence. 

But a number of the men who had volunteered in the emer- 
gency, among them many citizens of wealth and high social 
standing,* decided to form a permanent company of light 
dragoons, being " deeply impressed with the necessity of such 
an addition to the present militia of the State." 

In the October session of 1842, the General Assembly 
granted a charter, whereby " Almon D. Hodges, George W. 
Hallet [afterwards Colonel], Samuel G. Arnold [afterwards 

* Robert H. Ives, of the firm of Brown & Ives, died in Providence this 
evening. He was a very excellent citizen and his death is deeply deplored 
by his fellow townsmen. Mr. Ives and his brother, Moses B. Ives, were 
among the most active members of the Providence Horse Guards when I 
commanded the company, 1842 to 1845. They, with John Carter Brown 
and Alexander Duncan raised the company in 1842. [Journal of A. D. H., 
July 6, 1S75.] 

The four gentlemen here named, although among the most influential 
men in the city, joined the company as privates. 



MILITARY SERVICE IN RHODE ISLAND. 173 

Lieutenant-Governor and U. S. Senator], William W. Hop- 
pin [afterwards Mayor and Governor], John Giles, Moses B. 
Ives, John A. Wadsworth and Thomas J. Stead [afterwards 
General], together with such others as now are or may here- 
after be associated with them, not exceeding the number of 
Two Hundred exclusive of officers, be, and they are hereby 
declared to be, a military company in the [blank] Brigade of 
Rhode-Island Militia, by the name of the ' Providence Horse 
Guards.^ " And what was in its day the crack militia com- 
pany of Rhode Island, came into being. 
The original officers were : — 

Cajjtain : — Almon D. Hodges. 

Lieutenants : — 1st, George W. Hallet ; 2d, Samuel G. Arnold ; 
3d, William W. Hoppin ; 4th, John Giles. 

John A. Wadsworth, Adjutant. 

/Surgeon : — George Fabyan. 

Sergeants : — 1st, Henry L. Kendall ; 2d, John T. Pitman; 3d, 
Amory Chapiu ; 4th, Allen Baker. 

Corporals : — 1st, Thomas L. Dunnell ; 2d, William B. Whi{)ple; 
3d, Edward C. Wade ; 4th, Orson Moffit. 

Treasurer : — Samuel G. Arnold. 

Clerk : — John A. Wadsworth. 

Standing Committee : — Almon D. Hodges, Alexander Duncan, 
Amos D. Smith, Allen Baker. 

An act of the General Assembly of the State, in 1843, gave 
the Captain and the First, Second and Tliird Lieutenants 
the ranks of Colonel, Lieutenant-Colonel, Major and Captain 
respectively. 

My father, as Captain and as Colonel, commanded the 
squadron from its formation until his resignation in 1845 (on 
account of entering into business in Boston), and took the 
greatest delight in its drill, discipline and soldierly bearing, 
and in his friendships with the members of the company. He 
always declared that the honor of being at the head of such 
a fine body was sufficient glory for him and refused to accept 



174 MILITARY SERVICE IN RHODE ISLAND. 

further military office,* except when his patriotism caused 
him, at the breaking out of the Civil War, to become Colonel 
of the Roxbury Horse Guards. The memory of his connec- 
tion with the Providence Horse Guards was ever an unalloyed 
pleasure to him, and among his most cherished mementos 
were the handsome cavalry sabre and the beautiful silver 
pitcher presented to him by members of the corps, and by him 
bequeathed to one of his sons. 

The one important and exciting event during his military 
service in Rhode Island, was the outbreak in 1842 known 
commonly as the Dorr War. The following account of this 
trouble he prepared and read before the New England His- 
toric Genealogical Society in 1869. 

*0n August 7, 1847, he was unanimously elected Brigadier General of 
the First Brigade, First Division, Massachusetts Militia, and on August 
17, 1850, he was unanimously elected Colonel of the Suffolk Light In- 
fantry Regiment; but in both cases he felt compelled to decline. How- 
ever, in 1847 and 1848 he drilled with great enjoyment a cavalry club in 
Boston, whose headquarters were at the "riding house" of Nelson E. 
Nims, 36 Hanover Street, refusing to accept any other title than that of 
Instructor. Moses Blake Williams, son of Moses Williams, was one of 
the leading members of this club. 




THE DORR WAR. 



•T is now twenty-seven years since the occurrence 
of the stormy and stirring events which I propose 
to relate — a sufficient time for political feelings 
and passions to become cool, and errors in judg- 
ment to get corrected. I have tried to avoid all speech hav- 
ing a partisan bearing, and shall endeavor to give a fair and 
faithful account of the scenes of that period. In recording 
these occurrences, I have derived assistance from the files 
of the Providence Journal, then ably edited by Henry B. 
Anthony, afterwards U. S. Senator, and from a pamphlet 
published at that time by Jacob Frieze. 

I believe that I am strictly correct in saying that, up to the 
time in question, neither the Wliig nor the Democratic party 
in the State, when in power, dared to propose extension of 
the suffrage, from fear of losing office. 

Dorr called himself a Democrat, and sought aid in his plans 
from that party. It is therefore proper to say that the lead- 
ing men of the Democratic party in Rhode Island were among 
the most uncompromising " Law and Order " men in the 
State, and that the Dorr faction hated them even worse than 
they hated the Whigs. 

* This paper entitled " Recollections of the Rebellion in Rhode Island 
in 1842, known from the name of the principal actor as The Dorr War," 
was read by Almon D. Hodges before the New England Historic Genea- 
logical Society in Boston, May 5, Sept. 1 and Oct. 6, 1869. 

( 1T5 ) 



176 THE DORR WAR. 

It is also fair to state that a large number of the Suffrage 
Party in 1841 and 1842 denounced the violent proceedings 
of Dorr, and endeavored to dissuade liini and others from 
their extreme measures. 



Thomas Wilson Dorr, the instigator of the rebellion, was 
son of Sullivan Dorr, who went from Roxbury, Massachusetts, 
to Providence in the latter part of the last or the beginning 
of the present century, and who married Lydia Allen, a beau- 
tiful and accomplished woman belonging to one of the first 
families of Providence. 

Thomas Dorr was a man of marked peculiarities. He was 
at this time about 36 years of age, had been educated at 
Harvard College, and possessed great abilities in many direc- 
tions. I knew him well. He could be most agreeable and 
genial socially, and was endowed with a happy faculty of 
Ijending the minds of those around liim to his own views. 
Had he acted judiciously, with the judgment and tact of other 
politicians and public men, he would have reached, I believe, 
the liighest offices in the State. He was a very warm friend 
so long as his opinions were accepted ; but opposition he would 
not endure, being exceedingly self-willed and headstrong. 
He was very persistent in his ideas and efforts, and on the 
subject of the method of changing the form of government 
he was considered insane by many. 

The men originally in the movement for the extension of 
the suffrage were very unwilling to admit him to a share in 
their councils. They said that he belonged to an aristocratic 
family and hence could have no genuine sympathy with them 
in their desires. Moreover they had no confidence in his 
tact and discretion. But Dorr by persistence worked him- 
self into a position in the party where his ability enabled him 
to seize and hold the leadership. 

Until 1842, the original charter granted in 1663 by King 
Charles II to the colony remained in force in Rhode Island, 




THOMAS WILSON DORR. 



THE DORR WAR. 177 

and the right to vote was allowed only to " freeholders," or 
owners of real estate of the value of $134, and their eldest 
sons. This limitation of the suffrage seemed to be satisfac- 
tory during a long period when almost every man was a free- 
holder; but when the number of non-voters became large, 
the subject of extending the suffrage was agitated. At first 
all that was asked was a rule as liberal as that in Massachu- 
setts, and this modest demand was favored by many of the 
freeholders. The extension-of-suffrage party grew rapidly 
in numbers, especially in the northern part of the State, where 
many of those already entitled to vote admitted that the 
time had come for a change, and were prepared to join with 
the non-freeholders in petitioning the State legislature (tech- 
nically styled The General Assembly) for a change in the 
constitution. 

The new party, as it increased, split into two factions — 
one conservative, the other radical. The radical wing was not 
fortunate in its leaders, who were good people in their way, 
but not well gifted with wisdom and reasonableness. 

About 1833, or immediately after the Presidential election 
of 1832, the ultra free-suffrage party became very active and 
bitter, and very loud in their claims for office. Meetings were 
held in Providence in the old town hall, and were addressed 
generally by mechanics and other working-men, who often 
displayed considerable oratorical ability. The speeches, how- 
ever, almost always contained excited attacks upon the "aris- 
tocrats," "landholders," and " ruffied-shirt gentry" of the 
opposition, and gross epithets were applied to men of the 
best reputation who were not in sympathy with the radical 
movement. In illustration of their ideas, the officers and 
speech-makers of the meetings appeared on the platform 
dressed in green baize jackets ; and the members of a " Com- 
mittee of Correspondence " signed an address to John Quincy 
Adams, then in Washington, and Francis Baylies of Taunton, 
as follows : — 



178 THE DORR WAR. 

Seth Luther, "house carpenter"; William J. Tilliughast, 
" barber " ; Lawrence Richard, " blacksmith " ; William Mitch- 
ell, "shoemaker"; David Brown, "time regulator"; and, if 
I recollect aright, Nat. Metcalf, " town crier." 

The extreme ideas advanced by the radical wing of the 
party caused such a diminution of the ranks of those seeking 
an extension of the suffrage, that the movement sank into 
insignificance and was entirely overshadowed by the subject 
of national politics, the National Bank question, and the mon- 
etary crisis of the country. 

In the spring of 1840 the suffrage question again came 
to the front. A suffrage association was formed, the non- 
freeholders were called on again to unite in pushing the mat- 
ter, and the " landholders " were appealed to for a favorable 
consideration of the extension of the right to vote and for a 
change in the unequal representation of the different towns 
in the State legislature.* About this time Dorr acquired a 
prominent position in the movement and forced his ideas upon 
the party which, as before mentioned, had i^reviously been 
opposed to admitting him to its councils. 

The movement gained such an impetus that the next year 
(1841) the freeholders felt it was imperative to make some 
concessions. In the January session of the General Assembly 
a petition was presented from the town of Smithfield asking 
for an increase of her representation, and the discussion of 
the petition brought up the whole suffrage question. The 
matter was postponed until the June session, when the pres- 
sure became so great that the General Assembly, as by law 
provided, voted to call a popular convention to amend the 
charter or frame a new constitution — the election of delegates 
to be held on August 31, and the convention to assemble on 
November 2. 

* For example, Newport with a population of about 10,000 had five 
representatives, while Pi'ovidence with over 30,000 inhabitants had only 
four. 



THE DORR WAR. 179 

But the ultra suffrage party was not content to wait for 
the legal action of the General Assembly. Early this same 
year a mass meeting was held in Newport and adjourned to 
meet in the same town in Ma}^ when a " State Committee " 
was appointed, with directions to call a convention which 
should form what they were pleased to designate a " People's 
Constitution." On the 5th of July another mass meeting was 
held in Providence, which instructed the State Committee to 
call the People's Convention forthwith ; and the committee 
called the convention at the date of November 16. 

Thus it happened that two conventions were held the 
same month, — one authorized by the General Assembly in 
accordance with the law of the State ; the other formed in a 
completely extra-legal manner and by utterly irresponsible 
persons. 

The elections ordered by the General Assembly were duly 
held, and the delegates chosen convened on November 2 and 
after some discussion adjourned until February 14, 1842, in 
order, as they declared, that they might ascertain the wishes 
of their constituents. 

The elections ordered by the People's Committee were also 
held, but in a peculiar manner. Clubs were formed through- 
out the State, and these clubs, to whose membership women 
and minors were admitted, chose the delegates. The People's 
Convention, thus selected, assembled on November 16 and 
framed a constitution which was submitted to " the people " 
at an election that began on December 27, and was conducted 
under the auspices of the clubs in a most irregular manner, 
without any check-lists or any other of the customary safe- 
guards. Many persons affirmed afterwards that they had cast 
their ballots a dozen times each without any objection on the 
part of the election officers — a proceeding possibly explained 
by the fact that hardly any of the legal voters participated in 
the election. The People's Committee counted the votes, 
declared that the proposed constitution had been adopted. 



180 THE DORR WAR. 

and that a whole new set of State officers, civil and military, 
had been chosen, and proclaimed Thomas W. Dorr as the 
Governor-elect of Rhode Island. 

The legal or " landholders convention " reassembled in 
February, 1842, and formed a new constitution which was 
much more liberal in its provisions than the old charter. The 
land-qualilication was retained, but with this limitation the 
elective franchise was granted to all native-born males, with- 
out distinction of color, 21 years of age, and resident two 
years in the State and six months in the place where they 
claimed a vote. The word ivliite did not appear in this con- 
stitution, but had been adopted in the so-called people's 
constitution. 

It was hoped that this concession on the part of the free- 
holders would conciliate the opposition party and put an end 
to the excitement which was fast becoming intense. It did 
satisfy a very large number of the original suffrage party, but 
the extreme wing was not to be pacified, and Dorr himself 
avowed that he would receive nothing at the hands of tlie 
landholders' convention, — that he would not accept their 
constitution even if it agreed word for word with his own. 

The landholders' constitution was voted on by the people 
in March, 1842, but the opposition of freeholders in the 
southern part of the State, and of the radical Dorr part}^ 
or " Dorrites," was strong enough to defeat it by a small 
majority. 

The great mass of the freeholders, including many of those 
who had voted in the negative, soon discovered that a mistake 
had been made in rejecting the jDroposed constitution, and de- 
clared steps should be taken as soon as possible to form and 
offer to the people another constitution. The Dorrites, en- 
couraged by the position of affairs, began to adopt extreme 
measures, and at their meetings some of the speakers openly 
proposed to appeal to arms, and were loudly applauded by 
their audiences. 



THE DORR WAR. 181 

The agitation became verj^ great and the i-)osition of Dorr was 
apparently supported very widely. Even among the best of the 
militia companies there were partisans of Dorr who expressed 
themselves in favor of forcible measures for placing him in the 
gubernatorial chair, and it was deemed necessary to expel them 
from the militia on this account. For a time neither party be- 
lieved that the other would actually fight, but finally the opin- 
ion gained general credence that Dorr would certainly use force, 
and many of his supporters then abandoned his cause and sided 
with the Law and Order party. 

In accordance with the provisions of the People's Constitu 
tion, the State officers claiming election under tliis instrument, 
with Dorr at their head, assembled in Providence on the 3rd 
day of May, 1842, for the purpose of organizing a State gov- 
ernment. The State House having been refused them, they 
met in an unfinished building designed for a foundry, which 
circumstance gave rise to the name of " the Foundry Legis- 
lature " afterwards applied to them. In proceeding to the 
place of meeting, they were accompanied by a military guard 
provided with muskets loaded with ball-cartridges; and armed 
guards surrounded their legislature when in session, and at 
other times protected Dorr's headquarters. But no disturl> 
ance of the peace occurred on this day, and the proposition of 
Dorr to take forcible possession of the State House was voted 
down by his legislature, which showed a want of confidence 
in their position and their leader. In fact many members 
of this new government resigned their offices and publicly 
announced their resignations in the newspapers. 

On the 4th of May the General Assembly convened accord- 
ing to law at Newport, organized the legal government, and 
at once proceeded to the consideration of political affairs. 
All hope of conciliation was abandoned and more forcible 
measures were decided on. Arrests of the men most promi- 
nent in the Dorr movement began to be made by the govern- 
ment. These arrests caused great excitement, and large 



182 THE DORR WAR. 

crowds attended the legal examinations of the arrested par- 
ties, but no attempt at a rescue was make except in the single 
case of Hezekiah Willard, and this attempt was stopped by 
Willard himself. As Dorr was constantly surrounded by an 
armed force, the authorities decided that it would be injudici- 
ous to try to capture him, and he remained unmolested. 

The President of the United States, John Tyler, was re- 
quested by the State Government to furnish federal troops 
for suppressing \Adiat was considered t6 be a genuine insurrec- 
tion, but declined to interfere, greatly to the disappointment 
and indignation of the Law and Order party. 

The First Light Infantry of Providence, conunanded by 
Colonel William W. Brown, the Cadets, under Major Martin, 
and the Marine Artillery, under Colonel Nightingale, as well 
as the Newport, Bristol and Warren companies, were ordered 
under arms and actively drilled. At the earnest request of 
the Quartermaster General, Samuel Ames (afterwards Judge 
of the Supreme Court of Rhode Island), a brother-in-law of 
Dorr, and hence supposed to be Avell acquainted with the 
character of this gentleman, a strong guard was placed in 
the State Arsenal on the Dexter Training Field — so named 
from Ebenezer Knight Dexter, who had donated to the city 
of Providence about twenty acres of land for militia train- 
ings. The arsenal contained a number of pieces of ordnance 
ranging from 12-pounders to 48-pounders, and about 2500 
muskets, with the necessary ammunition. 

Meanwhile Dorr, with all the military force which he was 
able to persuade to join him, was preparing as well as he 
could for the approaching crisis. A deficiency of weapons 
was remedied as far as possible by stealing guns and digging 
up old cannon which had done duty for a long time, muzzle 
down, at the corners of the streets. The Dorrites loudly 
asserted that the " Aristocrats " would not dare to fight, and 
if they did, that one Dorrite would be able to whip five " Al- 
gerines." On the other side, some of the friends of the legal 



THE DORR WAR. 183 

government expressed very mucli the same ideas in favor of 
their own party, and even were inclined to ridicule the j)re- 
parations for actual hostilities. 

On Thursday, May 12, the adherents of Dorr fanned the 
excitement by holding a meeting at the Court House Parade 
in Providence, and making speeches breathing defiance against 
the " Algerine law " passed at the late session of the legisla- 
ture — in virtue of which law several of Dorr's party had 
been arrested on the charge of treason. They declared that 
Dorr should he protected at all hazards. About this time 
Dorr visited New York city, where a meeting in liis favor 
was held in a certain ward, and he was encouraged to proceed 
in his movement, and was promised money, men and arms. 
He returned to Providence on Monday, May 16, and was 
escorted by an armed force through the city from the railroad 
station to Federal Hill, where he made his headquarters at 
the house of Burrington Anthony — a man who had formerly 
been United States Marshal, and who was a prominent ad- 
herent of Dorr. 

Before Dorr dismissed his escort, he arose in his carriage 
and made a long and excited address, during which he waved 
in the air what appeared to be an ordinary sword. He him- 
self declared, according to the affirmation of his own party, 
that it was " an ensanguined blade, which should again be 
imbued with blood, should the people's cause require it." 
The editor of the Providence Journal, after an examination, 
reported thus : " jNIr. Dorr made a great flourish last Monday 
about his sword, which he drew and brandished in a most 
fearful manner, and told a great story about its having be- 
longed to an officer who fell fighting for his country. This 
sword belonged to a Lieutenant named Ileill, who died of 
dysentery on the passage from St. Marks to Providence, and 
all the blood that was ever upon it would not wet the point." 

The first offensive movement was made (on May 17) by a 
party of Dorrites, numbering about forty, who at midday, by 



184 



THE DORR WAR. 



a sudden dash, took from the armory of the old Artillery 
Company two nine-pound guns, and carried them to Federal 
Hill. The armory was situated in the heart of the city at the 
rear of College Street, and was separated only by a narrow 
passage from the Cadet Armory, where were a number of 
Cadets and some members of the Marine Artillery. These 
wished to attack the Dorrites, but Governor King had departed 
and there was no one present with authority to order such an 
act. Samuel Dexter and Joseph Sweet, two fiery spirits, vol- 




Dorr flvunshmp 6ie Syford yihich he received wj. 2few York makes greaX professions of what 
k£ voidd do 

unteered to retake the cannon, if twenty-five men would aid 
them ; but General Carrington, one of the Governor's Coun- 
cil, dissuaded them, using the argument that, legally, this 
would be merely mob against mob — and they belonged to 
the Law and Order party. 

Governor King, who was about two miles away, was sent 
for and came immediately. He at once ordered the militia of 
Warren, Bristol and Newport to report at Providence. The 
excitement in the city was at fever heat, and old men and 
young volunteered their services. 



THE DORR WAR. 



185 



Our truckman, Abel Oakes, who had been one of Dorr's 
principal supporters up to this time, came to our firm (Stim- 
son & Hodges) and said that he would act with Dorr no 
longer. He stated that he hnew Dorr would attack the State 
Arsenal that night if his men would stand by him, and if suc- 
cessful, would seize the public property in Providence, take 
the College buildings for barracks — and what further Dorr 
intended to do, the Lord only knew I The man was very 




Tapper room, ef the Arsenal, on Ouiaghtof Gvt iT-r cf Moj^, 

much excited and left the city immediately, advising us to do 
the same. His advice was not followed. 

In the course of the afternoon we were informed by Gen- 
eral Ames and by Mr. Zachariah Allen — the latter an uncle 
of Dorr — that they fully believed the arsenal would be at- 
tacked that night ; and about sunset this information was 
corroborated by spies returning from Dorr's camp, who stated 
definitely that the attack would be made at two o'clock in 
the morning of the next day. May 18. Consequently the 
Cadets and the INIarine Artillery were ordered to the arsenal, 
and marched thither at nine o'clock in the evening ; and the 



186 THE DORR WAR. 

First Light Infantry, under Colonel William W. Brown, was 
held under arms as a reserve at its armory on the east side of 
the city. 

Dorr's intentions being known, his father, uncles and other 
relatives and friends visited him and remained with him until 
nearly midnight, endeavoring to dissuade liim from such a 
rash and foolhardy undertaking. Their arguments were of 
no avail, and he persisted in his determination. About a 
hundred men from Pawtucket joined liim during the evening, 
and at midnight he had an army of three hundred to four 
hundred men. But it was a motley crowd, unorganized and 
undisciplined, as reported by an eye-witness and proved by 
subsequent events. 

Soon after midnight Dorr drew up his forces in line and 
made them a speech. He said that the persons opposed to 
him were cowards and would not fight, and that the arsenal 
would be captured easily ; that the taking of the arsenal, with 
its stores and arms so necessar}^ for his plans, was the first 
step ; and that he had staked everything on this issue. At 
one o'clock in the morning of May 18, he ordered the guns 
at his headquarters to be fired, as the signal for his army to 
move to the attack. Tins order illustrated his military inca- 
pacity, since the signal for his men to move was also a warn- 
ing to his foes of liis action. At the discharge of the cannon, 
the alarm bells of the city were rung, and the men of the 
town joined the ranks of the military, while the wives and 
children awaited in terror the outcome of the impending com- 
bat. Few were the citizens of Providence who slept that 
night. The expectation of streets deluged in blood and a 
city wrapped in flames was almost universal. 

At the signal, Dorr commenced his march, but instead of 
going directly to the point of attack, not over half a mile from 
his headquarters, he took a round-about way through Olney- 
ville, making the distance passed over some two and a half 
miles. His reasons for tliis are unknown, unless it was, as 



THE DORR WAR. 



187 



has been suggested, for the purpose of marching his army 
sober. It was stated by one of his men that when the posi- 
tion of attack was taken, Dorr discovered that out of the 
three hundred or four hundred men who had started, only 
about eighty were left to stand by him. Probably more than 
thi-ee-fourths had concluded that it was safer to fall out of 
tlie ranks and disappear in the darkness of the night, than to 
follow their leader. Captain Despeau of Pawtucket said 
to Dorr just before the order to fire on the arsenal was given, 




The, aUempt on ihc Arsenal an, the night ffMay f7^ 

" Governor, I believe there is danger here." " Thunder I " 
replied Dorr, " what do you suppose we came here for but to 
face danger?" Whereupon Captain D. and his company 
started for home, " causing the old turnpike to tremble," as 
one of them afterwards said, " and making the quickest time 
ever known between Providence and Pawtucket." 

At two o'clock Dorr reached the western border of the 
Dexter Training Field, and here he halted his force, placing 
his two nine-pounder guns, double-shotted, in the centre of a 
grove of trees about two hundred yards from the arsenal, and 



188 THE DORR WAR. 

tniining them upon this building. Having carefully sighted 
them himself, he gave the order, " Cannoneers ! Ready ! ! 
Fire ! ! ! " 

The cannoneers applied their matches and both guns — 
flashed. 

Dorr ordered another priming, seized the match himself, 
and with a regular cannoneer's flourish brought down the 
portfire upon the guns — and there was another flash. 

In the evidence before a court of inquiry — which I heard 
afterwards — one of the witnesses testified that, being deter- 
mined to prevent firing on the arsenal, by a little management 
lie obtained the post of sentinel over the cannon before they 
were moved from Federal Hill, and plugged the ventages of 
the guns with wood, rubbing priming powder over the plugs 
to prevent discovery. 

It is supposed that Dorr now suspected or believed that 
there was treachery in his camp. He abandoned further at- 
tempts to fire the cannon, and sent a flag of truce with a 
squad of men under the command of a Colonel Wheeler, who, 
in the name of Governor Dorr, demanded the surrender of 
the arsenal. Colonel Leonard Blodget, who was in charge of 
the building, replied that " If Dorr wanted the arsenal, he had 
better come on with his ragamuflins and take it." 

Dorr, finding his case hopeless, retreated with his two can- 
non and about thirty men — to which number liis force was 
now reduced — and returned to Burrington Anthony's house 
on Federal Hill. 

The commanding officer at the arsenal had received posi- 
tive orders not to fire on the insurgents until he saw the 
flash of their cannon. He had made every preparation for 
defence, and having been informed by a spy of the exact point 
selected by Dorr for placing his battery, had trained the 
whole tier of his guns upon the grove. When Dorr's cannon 
flashed, the State troops were anxious to fire, but were re- 
strained by Colonel Blodget, who interjDreted his orders as 



THE DORR WAR. 189 



oo ex- 



meaning a flash at the muzzle and not at the hreecJi. S 
cited had the men become, that it was difficult to prevent 
them from firing. One of the cannoneers, Bill Cameron by 
name, — an old privateersman, who had served on a vessel 

in the war of 1812, and had rather fight than saw wood, 

was in command of a 48-pounder. He had been grossly 
insulted by some of the Dorrites and was burning for revenge. 
When he found that Dorr had retreated, and that he had lost 
the chance to fire on his foes, he sat down and cried like 
a child. 

The writer was with the First Light Infantry, which, as 
before stated, was held in reserve at its armory under com- 
mand of Colonel Brown. At about half-past two in the morn- 
ing the company was ordered to march at once to the arsenal. 
Dorr's father was at the armory — and it should be stated 
that a brother and two uncles of Dorr were with the State 
troops in the arsenal — and asked permission to march in the 
ranks; but Colonel Brown requested him to remain as a 
guard at the armory. 

Colonel Brown immediately obeyed the order to march. 
The movement was made as silently as possible, for it was 
known that Dorr was aware of the arrangement of the reserve, 
and it was supposed that he had made provision to intercept 
the company if it should attempt to go to the arsenal. But 
the Light Infantry was not molested. It marched on quietly 
with a steady tramp, ti-amp, tramp, no voice being heard ex- 
cept that of the commanding officer as he gave an occasional 
order in a low tone. When within about three hundred yards 
of his destination. Colonel Brown halted his men. At this 
moment a messenger reached him with the information that 
he believed the insurgents had surrounded the arsenal, and 
that it would be necessary to force the way through their 
lines. 

The news caused a deep sensation in the ranks. The men 
had been highly wrought up by the events of the preceding 



190 THE DORR WAR. 

days. They had been sneered at by the other side, called 
" cologne-water dandies " and " holiday soldiers " who would 
run when the time for fighting really came ; and now it ap- 
peared certain that a fight would at once take place in the 
darkness of a foggy night. It is an established fact, I think, 
that the real trial of courage for a soldier comes just before 
going into action. The militia stood this test well. Not a 
man flinched ; and at the order, " Column forward ! guide 
left ! march ! " the company moved as a unit. In a few mo- 
ments the arsenal was reached, and it was discovered that 
Dorr had retreated — that in the darkness the advance of the 
platoon accompanying Colonel Wheeler, when he demanded 
the surrender of the arsenal, had been mistaken for an ad- 
vance of the whole insurgent force. 

A guard was left at the arsenal, and the government troops 
marched back to the city. 

Dorr, after returning to Federal Hill, appeared very much 
disappointed and discouraged. It was evident that the whole 
power of the State was arrayed against liim, and equally evi- 
dent that his own force would not stand by him. It has been 
charged that he would not stand by them, and he has been 
called a coward ; but from an acquaintance with him lasting 
a number of years, I consider this accusation unfounded. 

On Wednesday morning one of his relatives met him and 
offered him the means of escape, which he accepted. He left 
on the hill some thirty desperate men under the command of 
General De Wolf of Massachusetts. This officer was said to 
have been a recent graduate of one of the Massachusetts 
public institutions, but his exact career before and after this 
episode is unknown to me. His troops threw up breastworks 
on the hill and prepared to defend the position. 

At seven o'clock in the morning the Providence companies, 
reinforced by the three artillery companies from Newport, 
Bristol and Warren, — a total of about 600 muskets with a 
battery of six field pieces — started for Federal Hill. While 



THE DORR WAR. 191 

they were on their way, news was received by the Governor 
that Dorr had fled, and a company of volunteer dragoons — 
the nucleus of a squadron of horse afterwards known as the 
Providence Horse Guards — was ordered in pursuit. The 
cavalry moved on a brisk gallop about twenty miles towards 
the Norwich and Worcester railroad and then, having failed 
to find Dorr, abandoned the chase. Meantime the infantry 
and artillery reached Federal Hill, where a parley was held. 
The besieged agreed to retire and leave the cannon which 
they had seized. This they did the next day (Thursday, 
May 19), and disappeared. 

After the flight of Dorr, it was reported among his family 
connections that he had entirely relinquished his designs 
against the State government and was about to go to Europe. 
One of his wealthy aunts, it was said, had offered to give 
him five thousand dollars if he would leave the country and 
remain away a specified time. Many believed the story ; 
some, who knew him best, doubted ; but all, except a few of 
degraded character who favored liis hostile projects, joined 
in wishing him a speedy departure, a quick passage, and a 
long visit. 

But if Dorr had ever intended to retire to a foreign land, 
he soon abandoned the idea, and, in connection with reckless 
men inside and outside of the State, commenced operations 
for carrying out again his contemplated revolution. He was 
heard of occasionally in Connecticut or New York, being ap- 
parently always on the move, but observing a certain amount 
of secrecy. Meetings in his favor were held in some of the 
large cities in neighboring States, these meetings being at- 
tended as a rule by the class of men known as roughs, who 
bitterly denounced the landholders of Rhode Island, and 
sought to gain the support of the public by asserting that 
Dorr was contending only for the extension of the suffrage. 
Certain newspapers in New York, Boston and Philadelphia 
became warm advocates of the fugitive. The man in New 



192 THE DORR WAR. 

York city who appeared to be Dorr's chief confidant was 
INIike Walsh, and the headquarters of the party were appar- 
ently at Hopkins' Pewter Mug, near the Five Points. 

Governor King of Rhode Island, being informed that Dorr 
had gone to Connecticut and placed himself under the pro- 
tection of the Governor of that State, made a requisition on 
Governor Cleaveland for Dorr's delivery to the authorities of 
Rhode Island as a fugitive from justice, but the demand was 
not complied with. Thereupon Governor King issued the 
following 

PROCLAMATION 

By his Excellency 

Samuel Ward King, 
Governor, Captain-General and Commander-in-Chief of the State 

of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations. 

Whereas Thomas Wilson Dorr, of Providence in the County 
of Providence, charged with treason against the said State of 
Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, is a fugitive from jus- 
tice and supposed to be now within the limits of our Sister State 
of Connecticut and from creditable information is still pursuing 
his nefarious enterjjrise against the peace and dignity of the said 
State of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations ; 

And Whereas I made a requisition on the 25*^' of May last, 
addressed to his Excellency, Chauncy F. Cleaveland, Governor of 
the State of Connecticut, for the apprehension and delivery of 
the said Thomas Wilson Dorr, accoi'ding to the Constitution and 
law of the United States in such case made and provided, which 
requisition his Excellency Chauncy F. Cleaveland, Governor of said 
State, has hitherto declined to comply with ; 

I DO THEREFORE, pursuant to authority in me vested, and by 
advice of the CouncU, hereby offer a reward of 

ONE THOUSAND DOLLARS 

for the delivery of the said Thomas Wilson Dorr to the proper 
civil authorities of this State within one year from the date hereof, 
that he may be dealt with as to law and justice shall appertain. 



THE DORR WAR. 193 

Given under my hand and seal of said State, etc. etc., the S^^ 
day of June in the year of our Lord 1842, etc. 

Samuel Ward Kixg 
By his Excellency's command 

Henry Bowen 

Secretary of State. 

This proclamation did not lead to the capture of Dorr, who 
probably remained in New York, surrounded by his Spartan 
hand and secure from arrest. 

Rumors were now rife that Dorr had secured large supplies 
of arms, money and men in New York and elsewhere. An 
advertisement appeared in a New York city newspaper, noti- 
fying the public that a recruiting rendezvous was opened at 
Hopkins' Pewter Mug, and offering eight dollars per month, 
with board and lodging, to volunteers who would go to Rhode 
Island and assist Governor Dorr to inaugurate his government 
and place himself in the gubernatorial chair. 

In Rhode Island, at Woonsocket, Cumberland, Smithfield 
and other places, especially in the northern part of the State, 
the adherents of Dorr were secretly organizing, and were 
throwing out hints of what was to come. From the begin- 
ning a large part of Dorr's strength had been derived from 
the city and county of Providence, and in certain places in 
the county the Law and Order party had been overawed. 
But the city itself had proved too hot for the Dorrites on the 
18th of May, and their legislature had adjourned to the 4th 
of July. Dorr, encouraged by the promises received in New 
York, made an attempt to collect the members pursuant to 
the adjournment, but in a place of greater safety than the 
city, and where he could more readily concentrate his forces, 
give his enemies more trouble to get at him, and be nearer 
to the Connecticut line as a precaution in case a retreat should 
be found necessary. 

The friends of the government could hardly believe that 
another serious effort to use force would be made so soon 



194 THE DORR WAR. 

after the complete defeat of ]\Iay 18. Yet the reports con- 
cerning arms and armed organizations Avere so frequent as to 
cause much anxiety, and it was deemed best to adopt pre- 
cautionary measures. On June 4th the military companies 
of Providence commenced a series of regular drills, meeting 
every day and evening. With the authorization of the Gov- 
ernor, a city regiment was formed consisting of the most ac- 
tive and patriotic citizens, whose ages ranged from 17 to 72. 
The regiment was composed of ten companies, numbering 110 
to 140 men each, with officers regularly commissioned by the 
Governor, who appointed the following field officers : — 

Colonel: — William W. Brown (First Light Infantry). 

Lieutenant Colonel: — Almon D. Hodges. 

Major: — Josiah H. Martin (Cadets). 

Adjutant : — George W. Hallett. 

Chaplain : — Francis Wayland (President of Brown University). 

iSurgeon : — Lewis L. Miller, M. D. 

The companies met nearly every afternoon and drilled for 
an hour or two. At six P. M., they were foi-med in regimen- 
tal line for inspection of arms and for a few regimental ma- 
nceuvers, after which came a dress parade. Then a detail of 
about twenty men was made from each company, and sent to 
headquarters, and placed under the orders of a captain of 
the guard, for the purpose of patrolling the streets at night. 
This duty was performed by the regiment for more than two 
months, in which period there was not a single case of fire or 
burglary. 

During the excitement it became necessary to raise large 
sums of money, and the wealthy men of the State contributed 
with the greatest liberality. The writer was one of the com- 
mittee who carried around subscription papers, and it fell to 
his lot to call on a well known physician (Dr. Tobey), who 
was a member of the Society of Friends and supposed to be 
rich. When the subscription paper was presented, the doctor 



THE DORR WAR. 195 

asked in liis quaint way, "Hodges, what does thee want 
money for? Yea, what does thee want money for?" " Well, 
Doctor, we want money to buy muskets, we want money to 
\my powder, we want money to pay for music, and we want 
money to buy oakum for wadding for our big guns." At that 
l^eriod, before the times of the prohibitory liquor law, oakum 
for tvadding had a special meaning. " Oakum for wadding 
for thy big guns ? " " Yes, Doctor, oakum." " Well, well," 
replied the doctor, " I can give thee no money for thy mus- 
kets ; I can give thee no money for thy powder; I can give 
thee no money for thy music ; for this is against the rules of 
our meeting. But here is a hundred-dollar bill for thee to 
buy oakum for wadding for thy big guns." 

About the middle of the month all doubts as to the real 
purposes of the Dorrites were dispelled. The two guns of 
the Providence Artillery, wliich would not be fired at the 
arsenal, had been placed in the hands of the Artillery Company 
at Warren, about nine miles from Providence. On the night 
of Saturday, June 18, a party of about forty of Dorr's parti- 
sans started with four horses for Warren, with the purpose of 
seizing the cannon and taking them to Chepachet. News 
having been received of the movement, an express was sent 
to give the alarm. The rebels had considerable of a start, 
but the night was very dark, and they did not know exactly 
where the cannon were kept. They had broken into two 
places and were endeavoring to force an entrance into a third, 
when the express arrived and gave the alarm. The guard 
turned out, and in a few moments all the military of Warren 
were under arms. Some of the marauders were captured and 
the rest ran away without having accomplished their purpose. 

On the following Monday the Duty Greene powder maga- 
zine, just outside of Providence, was broken open, and about 
fifty kegs of powder were stolen. 

It finally became certain that Dorr had decided to concen- 
trate his troops at Chepachet, a large village about fifteen 



196 THE DORR WAR. 

miles from Providence and some six miles from the Connecti- 
cut line. Many of the people of this place had appeared to 
be in his favor, and by the 20th of June active operations 
were commenced at tliis point. Men with guns and men 
without guns began to collect here, and earthworks were 
thrown up on Acote's Hill, commanding the village and the 
road to Providence. The friends of Dorr who intended to 
take up arms, and others who were afraid of being impressed 
into the government service, betook themselves to the insur- 
gents' camp, where finally some seven hundred men were 
assembled, perhaps one-half being armed. Dorr himself ap- 
peared there on the morning of June 25, and immediately 
issued a proclamation for the assembling of the members of 
his legislature — but they did not come. Many of the inhabi- 
tants fled from the village, dreading the depredations of Dorr's 
troops more than they feared the government force, which, it 
was reported, would soon attack the intrenchments on the 
hill. In consequence of the character of the assembled insur- 
gents, it at last became dangerous either to leave or to approach 
the place. 

A fife-major, who had deserted from Dorr's camp, came to 
the headquarters of the City Guard regiment in Providence, 
and reported that about five hundred men had come to Che- 
pachet. According to orders, he said, he as fifer would march 
up a company from the tavern in the village to Acote's Hill, 
and then return to the tavern in order to fife up another 
squad. The company just marched up would be back at the 
tavern in about ten minutes for a " nij)per " all around, and 
would order him to fife them back again, — which he would 
do. This service he had performed for the same company 
about ten times in two hours, when they became so wavering 
that they could not follow his music ; and then they swore 
awfully, and threatened to shoot him for playing such a d— d 
crooked tune. Finally he escaped from the camp by breaking 
his fife over the head of a sentinel. He stated that the great 



THE DORR WAR. 197 

army expected from New York had arrived that afternoon, 
but that in place of a regiment of a thousand men, as prom- 
ised, there were but fourteen all told, with Mike Walsh at 
their head. Instead of marcliing into camp with flags flying, 
this force had come in close carriages, and had taken posses- 
sion of the barroom at the village tavern. But he had not 
stopped to fife them up. 

An act which created intense indignation, was committed 
by a squad of insurgents on Wednesday night, June 22. 
These men caught Charles J. Shelly, Samuel W. Peckham, 
John C. Keep and Charles F. Harris, who had been sent out 
from Providence on a scouting expedition, charged them with 
being spies of the enemy, disarmed, robbed and bound them, 
and marched them twelve miles to Woonsocket. Mr. Shelly, 
who was in poor health, had Ms hands tied behind him, and 
when he appeared to lag, was driven forward by being pricked 
in the rear by a bayonet. At length, being completely ex- 
hausted, he fell in a faint, and then was tlirown into a wagon. 
The officers into whose custody the prisoners were finally de- 
livered, disapproved of the treatment of the captives and 
ordered their release ; but neither arms nor money were 
restored. 

A day or two after this occurrence. Captain Pond, a gov- 
ernment officer and a great wag, being in this neighborhood 
with his company, captured the leader of the squad wliich 
had maltreated Shelly, and turned him over for trial to a 
drum-head court martial. After hearing the evidence, the 
court found the prisoner guilty of murder, highway robbery, 
treason, burglary and arson, and sentenced him to be shot as 
soon as he could say his prayers. But in consideration of the 
prisoner's having a certain optical indecision, which possibly 
prevented him from seeing straight on all occasions, the court 
recommended him to the very tender mercies of their kind- 
hearted, benevolent, very honorable and brave commanding 
officer, Captain Pond. The captain, after a short deliberation, 



198 THE DORR WAR. 

commuted the sentence to an option by the prisoner: — either, 
armed with a broomstick only, to fight all the compan}-, one 
by one, they to use the broadsword ; or to take a position, 
100 yards distant, on the edge of a quagmire, and there re- 
ceive a platoon fire, when, if he did not fall, he was to be 
permitted to wade through the quagmire and take to the 
wood beyond. It was stipulated, however, that if he did fall, 
mortally or immortally wounded, he should stop and go no 
further until after another platoon fire. 

The prisoner chose the platoon fire, which he received run- 
ning, having started before Captain Pond could give the order 
to shoot. As the muskets were loaded with blank cartridges, 
he escaped, and when last seen was making very quick time 
towards Connecticut. 

The General Assembly had convened at Newport on June 
21, determined to do everything possible to conciliate the dis- 
affected and avert the evils of a civil conflict. It was known 
beforehand that the Assembly would be in favor of an exten- 
sion of the suffrage. In accordance with numerous petitions 
and the disj)osition of its members, it passed an act calling 
a convention to be held at Newport on the second Monday in 
September, for the purpose of framing a new constitution and 
submitting it to the people of the State. 

The assembling of Dorr's forces rendered it necessary to 
take decisive measures of protection. The legislature there- 
fore authorized the Governor and Council to proclaim martial 
law. Troops were brought to Providence and thence were 
sent in detachments to such points as would enable them 
to protect the city and to attack Dorr from different direc- 
tions. Moreover a portion of General Stedman's brigade 
was ordered to the rear of Chepachet, in order to cut off the 
retreat of the enemy into Connecticut. 

On the 27th of June, the State troops began to move 
towards Chepachet, with the object of attacking the en- 
trenchments on Acote's Hill. 



THE DORR WAR. 



199 



[The accompanying map of Providence County, and the Hst of the 
numbers and positions of the State troops early in the moruin<; of 
June 28, are copied from the Providence Journal of July 19, 1842, 
which was attached to the original manuscript of A. D. H.] 

MASSACHUSETTS. 



MANVILLE 

CUMBER- 
LAND. 




MAP OF PROVIDENCE COUNTY. 
DISPOSITION OF THE STATE TROOPS. 
At Woonsocket 407 men under Major Josiah H. Martin. 



Pawtucket. ...... 275 

" Providence 800 

" Greenville 501 

" Scituate Mills 349 

" Poster 1100 



" PaW'tuxet 



60 



Col. G. W. Allen. 

Lieut. Col. Almon D. Hodges. 

Col. Wm. W. Brown. 

Col. Wm. B. Swan. 

Gen. .John B. Stedman, Gen. 

Alphonso Green and Colonel 

King. 
Col. Joseph H. Arnold. 



^^^^^ 3492 men, besides 2 companies of horse. 

Major General William Gibbs McNeill was in command of the 
State forces in the field. 



200 THE DORR WAR. 

The City Guard regiment was directed to assemble in 
marching order on the afternoon of June 27, with knapsacks, 
bhmkets, ammunition and rations. To the inquiry of Gen- 
eral McNeill as to how many men would probably report in 
person, the regimental officers replied, after consultation, that 
about six hundred could be reckoned on. When the regi- 
ment formed in line, at five P. M., with only two hours' notice, 
there were over one thousand present. The captains were 
called to the front and centre by the colonel commanding, 
and informed that orders had been received to leave a detail 
of twenty men from each company for guard duty at head- 
quarters. They were directed to explain this to their respec- 
tive companies, it being supposed that some of the oldest men 
would prefer guard duty to marching against Dorr's forces. 
The captains, having returned to their positions and made 
the explanation, gave the order that those who were willing 
to march immediately, should advance six paces to the front 
— and the whole line advanced. It was very difficult to 
induce the requisite number to stay behind, so great was the 
excitement and the desire to attack Chepachet. Indeed, 
when Sergeant-Major Jewett, who had been detailed in com- 
mand of the guard, started for headquarters, he found that he 
had a company of about fifty men only. 

The regiment started on the advance. Before they had 
reached Greenville, a town about midway between Providence 
and Chepachet, the rain came down in torrents. 

During this stormy night the excitement in Providence 
was intensified by the exaggerated rumors which came from 
the front. News having been received that the Cadets had 
been attacked near Woonsocket and were in danger of cap- 
ture, a company was mustered and sent off in wagons to 
the rescue within one hour. Orders were sent for the 
Cadets to retreat towards Providence, and in the hurry and 
excitement it was forgotten to make the order discretionary, 
which proved unfortunate for this company, which was nicely 



THE DORR WAR. 201 

bivouacked in a brick house, and in fact was in no danger 
whatsoever. 

Amid the commotion some comical events occurred. There 
was living at the time in Providence a Mr. B. (Boylston, 
son of a well-known engineer and architect of Boston), a 
gentleman of leisure, patriotic, kind-hearted and genial. He 
was a good story-teller and very desirable company, particu- 
larly when there was no important business on hand. He was 
a man-about-town who knew everj^body and everybody's af- 
fairs, and who would talk as long as anyone would listen to 
liim. But in this time of commotion he was somewhat in the 
way, especially as he was very importunate in his claim for a 
place where he could do something " which his posterity 
would have reason to be proud of." Being a man consider- 
ably past middle age, he was not subject to military duty, 
but he said that he " felt particularly wolfish about the head 
and shoulders," and demanded some martial position. On 
this point he begged so hard for something to do, that the 
officer in command of the forces in the city finally gave him 
permission to go to the headquarters and tell the officer there 
that he had directions to take a musket and stand guard on 
the Market House steps at the entrance to the rooms where 
the Governor and Council remained during the rught. Mr. 
B. received orders direct from the lieutenant colonel com- 
manding,* to take his post at the foot of the steps leading to 
the council chamber, and to challenge any suspicious character 
who might come prowling around, but to let pass unchal- 
lenged any officer whom he knew, — and he knew almost 
everyone likely to have business with the Council. 

It happened that the lieutenant colonel was so busily em- 
ployed all night that he forgot to mention the existence of 
this extra sentinel to the officer of the guard, or to give 
orders to have him relieved. Just before daylight, however, 

* This was the writer of this paper. 



202 THE DORR WAR. 

he had occasion to visit the council chamber, and coming 
upon the sentinel's beat, was suddenly stopped by the sharp 
challenge, "Haiti Who goes there?" The answer was, of 
course, "A friend." "Advance, friend, and give the counter- 
sign ! " and the countersign was duly given over the point of 
the bayonet. The sight of the genial old gentleman, with 
rain dripping from all parts of his clothing, acting as sentinel 
and sticking heroically to his post all night because he had 
been forgotten, in connection with the fact that he had been 
ordered to challenge only suspicious characters — and he un- 
doubtedly knew the person whom he had just halted — struck 
the officer as irresistibly ludicrous. When after a time he 
was able to speak, he inquired, " Mr. B,, have you been 
standing guard here all night long in tlie rain without re- 
lief?" "Yes, Colonel, I have been standing here ten Jiours 
in the rain, and I should stand here ten days before I would 
leave my post without orders." " Has not the relief been the 
regular rounds ? " " Yes, sir, the Grand Rounds have re- 
lieved every other sentinel on the Square regularly every 
hour, but have not been near me.'" " Well done, good and 
faithful soldier I You have performed your duty nobly ! 
Carry your musket to the guard house, and report to the 
officer on duty that j'ou have been relieved by the Colonel. 
And his advice to you is, to go home to your family and go 
to bed." There was no further application for duty and no 
further appearance of our pet guard during the rest of the 
campaign. 

The City Guard regiment, as before stated, marched from 
Providence this night as far as Greenville, where they made a 
halt. Early in the morning a cannonading was heard in the 
direction of Chepachet. This was supposed to indicate an 
attack on the insurgents' fort by some other State force, and 
the march was at once resumed. Acote's Hill was reached 
and assailed, but no resistance was made, and it was then dis- 
covered that Dorr and the greater part of his army had fled, 



THE DORR WAR. 203 

the men whom he had left behind, firing the cannon as a part- 
ing salute in honor of Dorr's sudden retreat from the State. 
The fort was captured with about a hundred men, five pieces 
of cannon, a quantity of arms, ammunition and baggage, and 
also some sixty ugly-looking lances said to have been carried 
by Dorr's " Flying Lancers." After this the main body of 
the government troops returned with their prisoners to Provi- 
dence, leaving behind, for a few days, a sufficient force to 
occupy the village and protect the inhabitants. The captives 
were put in jail, and examined before a Court of Inquiry ; 
but as they were not men of prominence in Dorr's movement, 
they were discharged after an imprisonment of one to three 
days. 

On Monday, June 27, Sullivan Dorr had visited his son at 
Chepachet, and remonstrated with him for his rash undertak- 
ing. The news of the movement of the State troops were 
received at the camp, and when it was known that the main 
body was advancing, the insurgents began to desert with 
great rapidity. Then Dorr himself quietly departed from 
Rhode Island, leaving behind a letter in which he directed 
his forces to disband, and sending to a gentleman in Provi- 
dence the following note : — 

Chepachet, June 27, 1842. 
Dear Sir, 

Please hand the enclosed as directed. Believing that a major- 
ity of the people who voted for my Constitution are opposed to 
its further support by military means, I have directed that the 
military here assembled be dismissed. I trust that no impedi- 
ments will be thrown in the way of the return of the men to 
their homes. Yours truly, 

T. W. Dorr. 

The communication referred to, and enclosed in the above 
note, went to the Governor and Council immediately on its 
receipt, and was published in the papers of the day. 



204 THE UORR WAR. 

During this period of trouble, blood was shed on two 
occasions. 

A member of a company from Westerly became insane 
through excitement. Stepping from the ranks, he aimed his 
musket at his brother, who was an officer of the company, and 
fired. The victim fell dead, shot through the head. 

The other fatal event occurred on the day of Dorr's retreat. 
The Kentish Guards (Captain Bateman), the Carbineers (Cap- 
tain James M. Olney), and the Providence Artillery (Colonel 
Bradford Hodges), were at Pawtucket, guarding the bridge. 
A mob of Dorr's adherents assembled across the river, on the 
Massachusetts side, and assailed the guard with brickbats, 
stones and other missiles. All other attempts to disperse the 
rioters having failed, and these becoming bolder and endeavor- 
ing to cross the bridge and drive away the guard, the military 
delivered a platoon fire into the crowd, killing one man and 
wounding two others. This quelled the riot. 

As soon as Dorr's flight was known, various armed parties 

were sent in pursuit. Among the many orders issued for the 

purpose of capturing the fugitive, the following, received by 

the Lieutenant Colonel commanding the City Regiment, will 

serve to indicate the excited state of mind of the people and 

authorities : — 

Headquarters, etc. 

Providence, June 28, 1842. 

Lieutenant Colonel Hodges will detail a guard of 25 men to be 
placed under the command of Amos D. Smith, subject to the 
orders of Major Mark Antony De Wolf. 

Major De Wolf will proceed by the train of this day to Stoii- 
ington, where a steamer has been provided in which he will cause 
his command to be at once transported. He will intercept the 
Xew London boat in Long Island Sound and diligently search 
for Thomas W. Dorr, whom, if he can Hnd, he will conduct to 
these Headquarters. 

By order of the Major General Commanding, etc. 



THE DORR WAR. 205 

Within an hour after this order was given, with the assist- 
ance of Adjutant G. W. Hallet the 25 men had been detailed 
and placed under the command of General Smith and Major 
De Wolf, and were moving rapidly in an express train towards 
Stonington ; and Avithin three hours, INIajor De Wolf and his 
men had left the wharf in Stonington. They overhauled two 
or three steamers wliich, according to orders, they diligently 
searched. But the fugitive was not to be found, — fortu- 
nately, probably, for the State government. If Dorr had 
been seized in the manner and place intended, an unpleasant- 
ness might have arisen between the State and the United 
States authorities. 

Governor King again issued a proclamation, offering a re- 
ward of five thousand dollars for Dorr's arrest ; but for a 
considerable space of time nothing definite was learned con- 
cerning the fugitive. Rumor placed liim sometimes in New 
York, and sometimes in New Hampshire in the care of his 
friend Edmund Burke. 

The Constitutional Convention, as directed by the General 
Assembl}', met at Newport in September, and framed a con- 
stitution in which the suffrage was given to every native- 
born male resident, twenty-one years of age, whether white or 
black. When this constitution was submitted to the people, 
it was adopted by a large majority of the votes. Men of all 
parties were satisfied, and the excitement gradually died 
away. 

In April, 1844, James Fenner was elected Governor. The 
gubernatorial office had been held by him and his father for 
thirty-seven out of fifty years. He was an old Jeffersonian 
Democrat, was chosen United States Senator in 1808, and 
for many years was one of the most popular men in the 
State. He possessed ability, sterling honesty and a com- 
manding presence.* During the Dorrite troubles he had 

* His weight was 340 pounds. 



206 



THE DOKR WAR. 




been a leading member of Governor King's Council and an 
uncompromising " Algerine." 

" LAW AIVD ORI>EK.»' ^^ ^'^'^^ Governor Fenner 

Bhode-Isiaod Prox, ;^;^^;^^ ^ -^««^§-^ ^^'^^"^ 

Mr. Dorr requesting per- 
^ [ , mission to return to the 

State. The bearer of the 
message was very decided 
in his manner, and very 
persistent in urging com- 
pliance with his friend's 
request, and finally aroused 
the old war-horse's indig- 
nation. " You may return 
to your friend, Tom Dorr," 
he said, " and tell him as 
long as he keeps out of 
this State, so far as I am 
concerned, he will not be 
molested. But so sure as 
he places his foot in Rhode 
Island, he will be arrested; 
if arrested, he will be tried 
for treason by our Supreme 
Court; if tried, he will be 
convicted; and if convic- 
ted, he will be sentenced 
to the State Prison for life 



FOR GOVERNOR, 

James Feooer, 

OF PROVIDENCE 
FOR LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR. 

%ron Diman, 
OF BRISTOL 
FOR SECRETARY OF STATE, 



OF PROVIDENCE. 
FOR ATTORNEY G ENE RAL, 

Joseph" M. 

■• OF BRISTOL. 
FOR GENERAL TREASURER. 

Stephen Cahoone 

* or NEWPORT. 



THE SUCCESSFUL STATE TICKET IN 1844/ 



according to law." 



* So far as I am aware, the word 2^roi\ meaning a list of candidates 
for election and the ballot containing such a list, has been used only in 
Khode Island. Staples, in his Annals of Providence, p. 04, says : — Such 
of the colony as could not attend the General Assembly, had the right 
to send their votes for officers, by some other person ; hence the origin 
of the terms jyrox and proxy votes, as applied to the present mode of 
voting for State officers in Rhode Island. 



THE DORR WAR. 207 

Mr. Dorr was not content to keep away from the State but 
returned to Providence, and the prediction of the Governor 
was fulfilled to the letter. Within an hour of his arrival, he 
was arrested. He was tried for treason, convicted, and sen- 
tenced to the State Piison for life by the Supreme Court, 
Judge Durfee presiding. 

Soon after his commitment to prison, petitions for his re- 
lease were circulated and received many signatures. The 
main argument in the petitions was, that the majesty of the 
law having been sufficiently vindicated by Dorr's trial, con- 
viction and sentence, his longer imprisonment would only 
excite the sympathies of people in his behalf. There was a 
feeling among our good citizens that, in order to avoid all 
further agitation, it would be judicious to discharge liim ; and 
that if this were done, he would soon be forgotten. More- 
over some of the Law and Order party knew that he was sub- 
ject to violent attacks of acute rheumatism, and they feared, 
if he should die in prison, the enemies of the party would 
raise such a hue and cry that they would never hear the last 
of it. 

On October 30, the Law and Order members of the Gen- 
eral Assembly, then in session at Bristol, held a caucus at 
which this subject was discussed. After a stormy debate, 
which lasted until after midnight, it was arranged that, the 
next morning, a member should move " that a committee be 
appointed to take into consideration the liberation of Thomas 
W. Doit from the State Prison, and report at the next ses- 
sion of the General Assembly to be held in Providence Jan- 
uary, 1845." The motion was made and carried, and the 
Speaker, Samuel Ames, who was a brother-in-law of Dorr, 
nominated, as members of tlie committee, Alfred Bosworth of 
Warren, Wilkins Updike of South Kingston, and Almon D. 
Hodges of Providence [chairman], and they were elected. 

Early in January, 1845, the committee held a number of 
sessions at the State House in Providence. They were ad- 



208 THE DORR WAR. 

dressed by the Rev. Martin Cheney and others, and the sub- 
ject attracted such Lirge audiences that the chamber of the 
House of Representatives was crowded. Sullivan Dorr, the 
father, was informed by the committee that they would hear 
him, or his counsel, at one of these public sessions or in 
private, as his feelings might dictate. He preferred to be 
heard in private, and his address had more influence upon 
the committee than all the others. His statement of the 
effect upon the mother and himself of the commitment of 
their son to State Prison for life so deeply moved the chair- 
man of the committee, that only with great difiiculty could 
this gentleman give utterance to his ideas when the time 
came for him to speak ; and the other two members were as 
much affected as the chairman. The plea of the father was 
rendered stronger by the fact that he had always shown great 
indignation at his son's violent actions, had expressed himself 
in very uncomplimentary language on the point, and had even 
ordered his son out of the house early in the period of the 
rebellion. 

The connnittee unanimously reported a resolution for the 
discharge of Dorr from prison, on his taking the ordinary oath 
of allegiance. This resolution was passed by a large vote on 
January 17, it being a noticeable fact that all the Dorrites in 
the legislature voted against it. A copy of the resolution was 
sent at once to Dr. Cleaveland, Warden of the prison, with 
directions to communicate it to the prisoner. Dr. Cleaveland 
found Dorr engaged in his regular occupation of painting 
fans — "Dorr fans" were in demand at this time — and read 
aloud the document, in accordance with orders. As Dorr 
continued at work, the Warden called his attention to the 
paper, which the prisoner took and read over to liimself. 
And then saying, " When I am ready to accept the terms 
of that resolution of the General Assembly of Rhode Island, 
Doctor, I will let you know it," he quietly resumed his 
painting. 



THE DORR WAR. 209 

Those who knew Dorr's character felt that the man would 
never accept the condition imposed by the legislature, and 
were convinced that he would not leave the prison unless the 
government gave imperative orders to discharge him. Acting 
on this belief, after a long and excited debate at the June 
session of the General Assembly, they carried a resolution 
ordering the warden to discharge Thomas W. Dorr from 
the prison. 

When Dr. Cleaveland read tliis order to Dorr, the prisoner 
said that he supposed the time had now come when he must 
go. "Yes," replied the warden, who had become much at- 
tached to liis prisoner, "Yes, Governor, the time has now 
arrived when I am obliged to say to you, that you are by law 
expelled from this institution.'''' 

The " Governor " asked to be allowed some little time to 
consider the matter, and was given until the evening of that 
day. Then he was taken to the Warden's room and offered 
a suit of clothing and a sum of money amounting to about 
tliirty dollars, the law directing that these should be given to 
each discharged prisoner. Dorr became indignant at the offer, 
and declared tiiat he would not submit to such terms from 
the State. He finally consented to borrow the Warden's coat 
until the next day, concluding that it was imprudent to 
wear his prison uniform through tlie streets, even in the 
night-time. 

The following, copied from the books of the State Prison, 
shows that the time of imprisonment was just one year : 

Tlioinas W. Dorr, aged 38 3'ears. 
Xuiiil^er of Prisoner 56. 
Offence . . . Treason. 
Date of Sentence . June 27, 1844. 
Term . . . for life. 
Date of Discliarge . June 27, 1845. 

Henceforward Mr. Dorr was seldom seen. After a stormy 
and exciting life such as seldom falls to the lot of a human 



210 THE D(3KK WAR. 

being, he passed to his final account on December 27, 1854, 
and now " sleeps the sleep that knows not breaking." 

And all of those who took an active and prominent part in 
the last act of this drama — the four Judges of the Supreme 
Court, the Speaker of the House, the Governor of the State, 
the men who addressed the committee wliich framed the reso- 
lution discharging the prisoner, the members of that commit- 
tee with the exception of the writer of this account, Thomas 
W. Dorr and liis father and mother — all of these have gone 
to their final rest. 

Boston Highlands, Feb. 17, 1S09. 




FAMILY LIFE IN PROVIDENCE. 



.N Tuesday, October 15, 1827, Almon Daiiforth 
Hodges and Martha Comstock were married in 
Providence, at the residence of the bride's mother 
in Comstock Court, North Main Street, by Rev. 
Henry Edes, pastor of the First Congregational (Unitarian) 
Church. The bride and her mother had worshipped with the 
First Baptist Society, but both were of the opinion that man 
and wife should not be separated even on Sundays ; and the 
bride elected to attend her husband's church, finding no 
irreconcilable difference between her creed and his. His 
theology remained essentially the same as that of his old 
minister, Pitt Clarke of Norton. 

At the wedding ceremony, the groomsmen were John L. 
Emmons, John J. Stimson, Charles Porter and James N. 
Olney ; and the bridesmaids were Catherine Comstock, Mary 
Thurber, Amelia S. Townsend and Frances Stillwell. Of 
these, Amelia S. Townsend afterwards married Charles Por- 
ter, and Frances Stillwell married James N. Olney. 

Martha Comstock was born on November 7, 1806, in Lan- 
singburg. New York, where her parents were residing tempo- 
rarily. She was of pure New England stock, and was allied 
with many of the most prominent Rhode Island families, — 
not so many, however, as would have been the case if her 
father and mother had not been first cousins. 

Samuel Comstock, — who may have come from Connecticut, 
and may have been son of William Comstock of Wethersfield 
in that State, as some say, — on March 1, 1654, old style, or 
March 11, 1655, as we now compute dates, bought a home lot 

(211). 



212 FAMILY LIFE IN PROVIDENCE. 

of four acres in the northerly part of Providence from John 
Smith the mason, who afterwards married Comstock's widow. 
Rhode Island even then was rich in Smiths and had at least 
six original John Smiths, who, with the other Johns of a Httle 
later date, ever since have danced their wayward rounds 
among bewildered genealogists. Samuel Comstock died in 
Providence in 1656 or 1657, leaving two sons. 

Captain Samuel Comstock, the elder son, married Elizabeth 
Arnold, — everybody knows or ought to know about the 
Providence Arnolds, — and had eight children. His sixth 
cliild, John Comstock, married Esther Jenckes, daughter of 
William and Patience (Sprague) Jenckes, and was associated, 
as a bloomer and blacksmith, with his wife's family — whose 
members have ever been cunning to work all works in brass 
and iron — and also stood well with his Sprague connections, 
then, as since, leading citizens. John's eldest son, Samuel 
Comstock, married Anna Brown, daughter of Rev. James and 
Mary (Harris) Brown, great-granddaughter of Rev. Chad 
Brown (the first settled pastor of the P'irst Baptist Church), 
and aunt of the four "Brown brothers," John, Joseph, Moses 
and Nicholas, so prominent in the history of the town, colony 
and State. 

Samuel and Anna (Brown) Comstock had seven children. 
One son, Jeremiah, married Hannali Bowen of Warren, and 
was father of Samuel Comstock ; another son, Benjamin, mar- 
ried Mary Winsor of Glocester (great-great-granddaughter of 
Roger Williams), and was father of Sally Brown Comstock ; 
and Sally Brown Comstock married her cousin Samuel Com- 
stock, and became mother of Martha Comstock, who married 
Almon D. Hodges. 

Sally Brown Comstock was one of the Rhode Island gentle- 
folk : — by family, as you know if you have read the fore- 
going paragraphs ; by nature, as you would have perceived 
if you had met her. Her husband died comparatively young 
in New York State, and his widow, proud and independent 




SALLY BROWN COMSTOCK. 



FAMILY LIFE IN PROVIDENCE. 218 

in character, was thrown on her own resources. She returned 
to Providence and managed successfully a millinery business, 
without detriment to her social position, supported and 
educated her two daughters, and accumulated a surplus for 
her old aare. Her orrandchildren recollect her as a handsome, 
alert old lady, rather small in stature, with keen black eyes, 
clear brain, retentive memory and broad knowledge ; also 
with strong family pride and affection, and warm love for her 
children and grandchildren. She is most often remembered 
as she appeared in her room, clad in a soft l)lack Thibet 
o-own — she always wore black after the death of her daugh- 
ter Martha — and with a white ruffled cap, sitting upright in 
her rocking chair in a sunny corner — where was a wonderful 
cupboard — reading or chatting while her knitting-needles 
flew with lightning-like rapidity. Thither resorted to her the 
family and her intimate friends. Formal callers — coming 
with their fine carriages, silver-harnessed horses, and comely, 
big black coachmen — were received in a rustling black silk 
dress in the drawing-room. 

That bedroom corner, sun-lit by day and lamp-lit in the 
evening, was reserved for her familiars and for familiar dis- 
course. Conversations held there, and listened to by little 
pitchers with big ears, ranged over a broad field : — the prices 
of stocks ; the ups and downs of business ; how certain ances- 
tors (names mentioned) had once owned large portions of 
Providence, and if they had only held on to their lands, in- 
stead of selling them cheap, their descendants would now be 
im-mense-ly wealthy ; how one relation had been born in 
affluence, but had lost everything through foolish specula- 
tion ; how another had been made rich by the great rise in 
value of certain shares, which he had been obliged to receive, 
originally, in payment of a small debt, when they were con- 
sidered worthless ; how some kinspeople had married in haste 
and repented at more or less leisure ; how others had married 
well and lived happily ever after ; what terrible things were 



214 FA.MILY LIFE IN PROVIDENCE. 

being done in the Crimeun War; what an excitement had 
been caused by the " Morgan Murder," and wliat bitter dis- 
cussions had arisen as to whether the Masons had really 
killed Morgan.* The talks had no limits of time, place or 
person. 

One grandchild remembers a stranger scene : — his aged 
grandmother, in the darkness of night, kneeling by her bed- 
side and wrestling with the Lord, — sobbing and crying over 
the loss of her dear daughter, long since removed by death — 
reproaching her Maker for his unnecessary cruelty — and then 
praying for pity and forgiveness and comfort, and strength to 
say. Thy will be done. 

Martha Comstock Hodges was a lovable example of the 
old New England housekeeper — that matchless combination 
of the domestic virtues and the social graces. In her were 
united deep aftection for her husband and charming tact in 
her dealings with him ; devotion to her children and wisdom 
in bringing them up and gaining their love and respect ; wise 
economy and genuine hospitality. She possessed in a high 
degree an executive ability which enabled her to keep her 
home always in order, always cheerful, comfortable and at- 
tractive to her family and her family's man}- friends, and yet 
find time for outside pleasures and acts of neighborly kind- 
ness. To assist her in her household work, she usually had 
only one maid, until the increasing number of her children — 
eight boys were born to her — made another necessary. Yet 



*In 1826, William Morgan of Batavia, N. Y., who was reported to be 
about to publish a book exposing the secrets of the Order of Free- 
masons, of which he had been a membei', was kidnapped and carried 
off. An investigation indicated (some say proved) that he was drowned 
in Lake Ontario. Several persons connected with the abduction were 
arrested and tried, but no murder was ever officially established. It was 
charged that the abductors and supposed murderers were Freemasons, 
a charge vehemently repelled. A tremendous excitement arose against 
the fraternity, and an anti-Masonic political party was formed, which 
was successful for several years in the elections in various States. 



FAMILY LIFE IN PROVIDENCE. 215 

constantly in her house, wliich was her pride, simple enter- 
tainments were held, with suppers, music, dancing and pleas- 
ant conversation ; and now and then, a larger and more formal 
party or reception. 










The social ambition of a New England wife at this period 
was to have a separate house, of which she was the recognized 
executive manager, where she could receive and entertain her 
friends. Providence was noted for the number of its large, 
handsome and comfortable mansions, and for the quality of 
its society. In order to fit girls for high social station, the}' 
were not only given a general education, but were also taught 
to perform practically all the details of housekeeping — as is 
said to be done even now with the Imjjerial Family of Ger- 
many. And they were instructed liotv to work, how to ac- 
complish the desired end with the least expense of time and 
trouble, by using their brains as well as their hands. 

On October 16, the newly married couple started on their 
wedding tour. Hiring a one-horse, two-wheeled chaise, carry- 
ing " all our luggage in a hair trunk slung below the axle of 
the chaise," they left Providence at ten in the morning on the 
road to Boston. They dined at Clapp's in Walpole, and 



216 FAMILY LIFE IN PROVIDENCE. 

reached their destination at six o'clock in the afternoon. They 
spent five days in Boston and vicinity, making many calls, 
attending a party given in their honor, shopping, going to the 
theatre, and on Sunday attending church. On the 22d of 
the month, at nine in the morning, they started back, stop- 
ping here and there at friends' houses on the way. They 
rode through Uoxbur}-, Dorchester, Canton, Sharon (^yhere 
they dined), Fox borough, Mansfield, Attleborough and See- 
konk, and arrived home at eight in the evening. It was not 
a long, nor an expensive wedding journey, but it was rarely 
delightful. It was the happy beginning of a happy life in 
which there was never a shadow of disagreement. 

The couple boarded at first with the bride's mother in the 
house where they were married. It was a double house, in 
one part of which lived the bride's grandfather, Benjamin 
Comstock, " a fine-looking old gentleman, who belonged to 
the Society of Friends and wore the Quaker costume. He 
died September 30, 1828, aged 82. Martha and I watched 
with him the night before his death."* 

In August, 1828, the pair moved into the Taylor (or Grin- 
nell and Taylor) house, at 42 Westminster Street, just above 
the Arcade, and began housekeeping. On or about May 1, 
1829, they changed to the Eddy house, on the northeast cor- 
ner of Brown and Charles Field Streets, where three children 
were born,f and where the family lived until their own house 
on Benevolent Street was completed, — in March, 1837. This 
house, which father built, was on the site now occupied by the 
Mount Hope Club, opposite the First Congregational Church. 
In it four more children were born, and one died very young. | 

* Recollections of A. D. H. 

I Danforth Comstock Hodges, born Sept. 15, 1831. William Townsend 
Hodges, born Oct. 21, 1833. George Foster Hodges, born Jan. 12, 1837. 

J Frederick Stimson Hodges, born Sept. 29, 1839 ; died Oct. 26, 1839. 
Fi^derick Stimson Hodges, born Oct. 15, 1840, Ahuon Danforth Hodges, 
Jr., born July 16, 1843. Francis Olney Hodges, born May 16, 1846. 



5 O 

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? CO 

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P 5 

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op rri 




FAMILY LIFE IN PROVIDENCE. 217 

Here father lived during the remainder of his residence in 
Providence. 

There Avere no long vacations in those days, during which 
the wife abandoned her husband and spent weeks (or months) 
as now at summer or winter resorts. The house, like the busi- 
ness office, was kept open throughout the year. But there 
were frequent holidays and numberless short excursions. Now 
and then father and mother went to New York or to Boston, 
in order to shop and to visit, on occasion taking one or more 
of the children with them. It was an oft-repeated custom to 
hire a horse and carryall and journey among relations and 
friends, and enjoy their hospitality. Usually an assistant went 
along, to help in the care of the little ones. This assistant 
might be a nurse-maid, but oftener was a relation or a friend, 
a social equal, who was glad of the opportunity for travel and 
enjoyment. These numerous short trips took the family over 
quite an extensive region, from Newq3ort on the south to 
beyond Boston on the north, and various were the incidents 
and experiences. On one occasion, in the year 1832, when 
the dreaded Asiatic cholera, originating in India, had entered 
America through Quebec and spread over the United States, 
creating universal terror, the family were stopped at the 
boundary line between Freetown and Fall River and examined 
for signs of the dire disease. Only when they had proved 
themselves spotless were they allowed to proceed. 

How delightful those excursions were ! How nice it was 
to occasionally drive the horse, as we journeyed on througli 
new scenes I How pleasant were the people whom we visit- 
ed, — how hospitable, and what good things they had to eat I 
How glad they were to see "Colonel Hodges," and to know 
his family and to entertain his children ! Then each excur- 
sion always had one grand objective point, — it might be a 
farm, with forests and flowers and berries ; or a pond or bay, 
- on which we could sail and fish : or a beach, where we could 
bathe and play in the sand; or a military camp with its gal- 



•_>18 FAMILY LIFE IN PROVIDENCE. 

laiit soldiers, its inspiring bands and its glorious drills, where 
we were made so much of by high officers attired in splendid 
uniforms ; or some other wonderful place. And when the 
trip had ended, what lovely memories remained of what had 
occurred, and what great expectations were formed of what 
was going to happen next time ! 

Once in two years, on an average, father and mother, with 
two or three others, took quite a long excursion trip lasting 
from two weeks to a month. Three of my older brothers went 
to an excellent boarding school in the beautiful town of 
Lanesborough, Massachusetts, among the Berkshire liills. 
This school was kept by Mr. N. P. Talcott, a noted teacher, 
and after his death by Mr. Daniel Day. So long as any of my 
brothers remained here (from 1840 to 1848), this was always 
one of the places of call. To reach it from Providence, before 
the railroad from Boston was completed to Albany, the usual 
route was by boat to New York, thence by steamer up the 
Hudson river to Albany or Troy (where we had cousins), 
and then by stage to Lanesborough. On these excursions the 
principal points of beauty and interest along the Hudson were 
visited. Perhaps the river was left at the town of Hudson, 
where the cars were taken as far as West Stockbridge ; or if 
the river was followed up to Albany, a side trip to Saratoga 
and Ballston Spa was indulged in. 

A stop of several days was almost always made at West 
Point. Father was well acquainted with Colonel Sylvanus 
Thayer, the " father of the Military Academy," and other 
high officials there, and was cordially welcomed when he ap- 
peared, and pleasantly entertained. I myself was once in- 
vited by the Corps of Cadets to attend their Military Ball ; 
but mother refused to let me go, as I was only thirteen 
months old. 

One year there was a trip " down East," to visit father's 
married sister and an uncle and cousin and many friends in 
Maine. The journey was made by steamboat along the coast 




DANFORTH COMSTOCK HODGES. WILLIAM TOWNSEND HODGES. 



FAMILY LIFE IN PROVIDENCE. 219 

and by stage in the interior, railroads not yet having invaded 
that region. The stage coaches were not especially comfort- 
able, the roads were not particularly good, and the hours of 
uprising and downlying were not always agreeable ; yet the 
Journal touches lightly on these inconveniences, dwells chiefly 
on the delight of meeting dear friends, and declares that the 
travellers had a most enjoyable time. 

3[I)c l^. S. €av^s of (Ha^cfs, 

y request the pleasure 

of _ ^jri^ <i^.&jf(^<^c/ -f?^J^'^^**?pfy'.yi 

/ / 

company at their Mil .ITARYj BALL to be given at West Point, on the 29tb 

.of August. 1844 

West Point, N. Y. 



^_ 



August, ^c> 1844 



p. A. FARRELLT O. C. BARBER, 

LOUIS HEBERT, J. C. BONNYCASTLK, 

FITZ JOHN PORTER, J. DE RUSSKY, 

THOMAS G. RHETT, HENRY HETH, 

H. L. SHIELDS, W. H. HILL,' 

T. B J. WELD, D. T. VAN BUREN. 

Another year an excursion was made by rail to Niagara 
Falls. Railroad travel in those days was comparatively slow ; 
tliirty-four hours were spent on the road between Boston and 
the Falls ; there were no through trains or parlor cars, and 
night-travelling in the ordinary passenger coaches was often 
necessary. Many stops were made along the road, — at Lanes- 
borough, to visit my brother Foster; at Albany, to call on 
friends ; at Utica, to take a side trip to Trenton Falls, then a 
very popular pleasure resort ; at Syracuse, to look at the salt 
works ; and at Rochester, to see the Genesee river plunge 
down two hundred and five feet, in three drops, into a rocky 
gorge. At Niagara Falls the usual points of interest were 



220 



FAMILY LIFE IN PROVIDENCE. 



visited — some of them have now disappeared — including 
the battle ground of Lundy's Lane, the Burning Springs and 
Brock's Monument, then in a shattered condition. From the 
Falls the horse cars were taken to Queenstown, and the steam- 
boat to Toronto, to Kingston, and down the St. Lawrence 
river to Montreal and Quebec. One link in the trip down 



INIAGARA FALLS, G. W. 



This is to Certify, That 

HAS PASSED BEHIND imL GREAT 

TO TERMINATION ROCK, 

i^eiiig 230 feel behind tlic Great Horse-Shoe Fail. 

Given uader my hand, at the office of the General 
Register of the names of visiters at the Table Rock, 



day of ^^^^^^.C^ \M^: 







this river was traversed in a rickety coach over a plank road, 
^- from Coteau de Lac, at the foot of Lake St. Francis, to the 
lower end of the Cascade Rapids. Running these rapids in a 
steamboat was then considered altogether too dangerous. At 
Montreal, the Journal relates, " we went to the Artillery Bar- 
racks, where a salute was fired in honor of Queen Victoria's 
coronation ^ix years ago.''' From Canada the return was made 




GEORGE FOSTER HODGES. 



FAMILY LIFE IN PROVIDENCE. 221 

by way of Lake George, Saratoga, the Hudson River and New 
York. 

Like all children at this period of unlimited families and 
limited domestic help, we small boys were brought up to 
work i)i and around the house, and were sent early to school. 
jNIy younger brother and I must have gone at the age of 
three, because when we were four years old we read — with 
some assistance over the big words — those verses of the Bible 
which came to us in turn at family prayers. I have heard 
father say that he had seen, in Miss Maria Eddy's private 
school, a teacher surrounded by infants who were bolstered 
up with pillows, and tended and made happy, during the 
lessons given to the older children. Maria Eddy was a school- 
ma'am of reputation. She had a two-story school-house on 
Charles Field Street, at the bottom of the garden beliind the 
Eddy house which her family owned. We were her pupils 
while we lived in Providence. 

Our education was considered most important by father, 
who took a share in training us. One of the first lessons he 
gave us was the lesson of getting down to hard work and 
doing the work thoroughly. Over and over again he told us 
that if we could not learn to enjoy the work which lay before 
us, we should lead unhappy lives. He enjoined on us hon- 
esty, econoui}^ and fair dealing. The use, and not the abuse, 
of money was the subject of many a talk. He often declared 
that the property which a man owned was not his exclusive 
possession, but was held by him in trust, primarily for the 
benefit of his family, and then for judicious sharing with his 
neighbors and fellow-citizens. So strongly was he impressed 
with the idea of fair dealing, and so anxious to treat his 
children with absolute impartiality, that he kept a financial 
account with those who were grown up. To all of his sons, 
while they were minors, were given a liberal support and a 
high-school education. But after a child had come of age, 



222 FAMILY LIFE IN PROVIDENCE. 

if he lived at home — some went away — he was charged a 
nominal sum for board, lodging and washing. Three of his 
sons went to college, while the others were graduated from 
the high schools into business life. The three collegians were 
charged amounts equivalent to the calculated excess of money 
spent on them, over what had been expended for their brothers. 
The sums thus charged against certain of his children were 
not demanded back by father during his life, but, in accord- 
ance with his directions, were settled at the division of his 
estate. 

This practice of impartial justice father carried into all his 
business dealings. The mercantile success which he acliieved 
was obtained, not by driving sharp bargains, but by accurately 
gauging present situations and correctly forecasting future con- 
ditions. He never speculated. His business reputation was 
that of a cautious man with unusual powers of insight and 
foresight. Those who dealt with him held him in high 
esteem for fairness, liberality and ability. 

During liis long subsequent career as bank president, he 
held to his principles of right and justice. An officer of a 
stock-company, he asserted, was the paid servant of the stock- 
holders, and owed liis best efforts to his employers. It was 
his bounden duty to use for the sole benefit of the members 
of the corporation all opportunities for gain which came to 
him as a corporation-officer; in such gains he could participate 
only as one of the shareowners. A man of such ideas can 
hardly become excessively rich. He never was wealthy, al- 
though he had the reputation of possessing a large fortune 
because of the many chances for profit which naturall}' were 
offered to a person in his position, and which, after the Civil 
War, were usually seized by other corporation-officers for 
their personal advantage ; because also of his many generous 
deeds. He was merely a well-to-do man. He had no ambi- 
tion to excel in the accumulation of cash, despite a personal 
experience which had taught him to appreciate the value of 



FAMILY LIFE IN PROVIDENCE. 223 

money. The words of Agur, the son of Jakeh, were his 
words: "Give me neither iioverty nor riches." Those who 
were born witli silver spoons in their mouths, he declared, 
were always badly handicapped by the spoons in the race for 
life and happiness. 

He had due respect for wealth fairly gained and righteously 

administered, but for a mere money-grubbei- he had only pity. 

" Mr. X. died this day," is the brief comment in his Journal 

on the death of a certain individual, " known only as a very 

rich man." For wealth acquired dishonestly, he had a fine 

contempt. A former acquaintance, who had gone West and 

started a bank, made a fortune by an iniquitous failure which 

ruined many others. Some years later the ex-banker came 

East, making parade of his money. Meeting father on the 

street, he advanced with a smile and an out-stretched hand, 

saying, "How do you do, Colonel? Rejoiced to see yoii 

again after all these years. Just coming to call on you." 

"You have the advantage of me, Sir," was the cool reply. 

" What, don't you remember your old friend S. ? " " My old 

friend S. died two years ago" said the Colonel, passing on. 

My father always attended church regularly on Sunday, 
but just where he went during Ms bachelor days in Provi- 
dence, he omitted to record. After he was married, he took 
seats in the First Congregational Church, of which Rev. 
Henry Edes* was then the minister. When Mr. Edes re- 
signed his pastorate, father went to the Westminster Con- 
gregational Church, whose minister was Rev. Frederick A. 



*Rev. Dr. Edes, aged 72, — oue paper gives his age as 74 — died sud- 
denly in Worcester, Mass., on the 25th inst. His funeral was in Suffolk 
Street, Boston, to-day. I was the only one of his Providence parish- 
ioners present. He was minister of the First Congregational Church 
m Providence from 1805 to 1832. He performed the marriage ceremony 
for me in 1827, and he christened my sou Danforth in 1832, his last offi- 
cial act for anyone of his Society. [Journal, Feb. 27, 1S51.'] 



224 FAMILY LIFE IX PROVIDENCE. 

Farley. In 1833 he returned to the First Congregationiil 
Church, where Rev. !Mr. Hall* had been installed. Here he 
staid during liis residence in Providence, a part of the time 
being a member of the choir. 

When father began housekeeping, the fuel used in his 
household consisted of wood, charcoal and some hard coal, but 
the hard coal was not employed for cooking until April, 1838. 
Then wood was discarded, except in very small amounts : but 
charcoal continued to be used for cooking certain articles and 
for lighting the hard coal. The annual cost of fuel in the 
household, from 1830 to 1838, varied from #85 to '#196, and 
averaged -1137. From 1838 to 1844, the average yearly ex- 
pense was : hard coal, 1119.60 ; charcoal, -130.90 ; wood, -16.94 ; 
total, -$157.44 : anthracite costing from -19.121 to $6.25 per 
ton, charcoal about 29 cents per bushel, and wood about -$7.50 
per cord. 

Candles, whale oil, sperm oil and lard oil were used for 
lights. We had some very pretty iron and bronze candelabra 
with pendant prismatic crystals. In the homes of the wealthy, 
very beautiful glass chandeliers were to be seen. There was 
no illuminating gas in Providence at this time. Its manufac- 
ture and supply began in December, 1848. 

The total household expenses from 1828 to 1846, during 
which period the family increased in number from two to 
seven, ranged from -$535.54 to $2,272.95, and averaged 
$1,525.64 per year.f 

There were many colored people resident in Providence, 
and these were very generally employed as house servants. 



*Eev. Edward Brooks Hall died in Providence at 5 P. M., in the 34tli 
year of his ministry. He was born in Medford, Mass., Sept. 2, 1800, and 
was graduated at Harvard in 1820. I attended his church in Providence 
from 1833 until 1846, and was much attached to him. He was a real 
Christian and a very useful citizen. [Journal, March 3, 1S6G.] 

t See Appendix IV. 



FAI\IILY LIFE IN PROVIDENCE. 225 

As a rule the}" were excellent in this capacity, being neat, 
willing, respectable in manners and appearance, and kind and 
affectionate to the children. They usually were good cooks. 
Some of them must have been escaped slaves. At least, in 
language, pronunciation and other particulars they differed 
from what was customary at the North. In the evening, 
after all the work was finished and the kitchen had been put 
in apple-pie order, Sarah Warfield always smoked a black 
clay pipe with the greatest apparent enjoyment. We children 
never quite understood how this infringement of the house- 
hold rules was allowed. Sarah could make the most delicious 
dainty that ever passed a child's lips, — rye-and-Indian pan- 
cakes. These were a composition of ryemeal and Indian- 
cornmeal, dropped from a spoon into boiling fat, and emerging 
thence, dry, crisp and beautifully browned, in globular forms 
with little tails, in shape like the Prince Ruj)ert's drops famil- 
iar to children of that day, only of course much larger. 

Wages of house servants, during the period in question, 
rose gradually from about fifty cents to a dollar and a half per 
week. In our family, while at Providence, only one servant 
ever received two dollars a week, and that was a colored cook 
of exceptional ability. 




SIX CHANGING YEARS. 



'he following notices appeared in the Providence 
Journal and the Boston Atlas. The editorial no- 
tice, fourth in order (labelled by father "a puff," 
and pasted in his scrap book with the others), 
was written by liis friend Henry B. Anthony, who was then 
editor of the Providence Journal, and later was United States 
Senator from Rhode Island for many years. 



NOTICE — The copartnership heretofore existing under 
_ the firm of Stimson & Hodges, is by mutual consent 
dissolved, and John J. Stimson is duly authorized to close 
up the business. JOHN J. STIMSON, 

Feb. 1%, 1845. ALMON D. HODGES 

Almon D. Hodges respectfully gives notice to his friends 
and the public that he has formed a business connection in 
Boston, vcith Messrs Emmons & Weld, 31 South Market St. 
where they will continue the wholesale Grocery and Com- 
mission business in the name and firm of Hodges, Emmons 
& Weld. f 19 



PPPARTNERSHIP NOTICE. EMMONS & 

v_/ WELD have taken into Copartnership ALMON D. 
HODGES,(lateof the firm of Stimson & Hodges, of Providence,) and 
their business will be continued at No. 31 South Market street, un- 
der the name and firm of HODGES, EMMONS & WELD. 
Feb. 17, 1845. Iawis2m§-F20 



NOTICE. The Copartnership heretofore 
existing under the tirm and name of HODGES, EM- 
MONS & WELD, is this day, by mutual consent, dissolved. 

HODGES & EMMONS being duly authorised to settle the affairs 
of the late firm. " ALMON D. HODGES, 

JOHN L. EMMONS, 
May 15, 1840. JOHN D. WELD. 

The undersigned will continue the Wholesale Grocery and Com- 
mission business, under the firm of HODGES & EMMON.'^, at No. 
31 & 32 South Market street. ALMON D. HODGES, 

JOHN L. EMMONS. 

May 15, 184G. 3t 

( 22(5 ) 



SIX CHANGING YEARS. 227 

Our advertising columns have already noticed 
the dissolution of the copartnership of Stimson & 
Hodges, the oldest mercantile house in the city, 
we believe, with one exception, that has remained 
without any change in the number or names of 
its partners. Col. Hodges goes to Boston in the 
house of Hodges, Emmons & Weld, and carries 
with him the good wishes of troops of friends in 
Providence. As a member of the General Assem- 
bly, and as commander of the Horse Guards, he 
has rendered his fellow citizens good service, and 
has secured their respect and confidence. We 
might take this occasion to complain of the unfair 
temptation to which Col. Hodges exposed our 
temperance principles under pretence of a parting 
gift; but we never lay up such things. 

At the close of the year 1844, father made tliis entry in his 
Journal : 

The last year has been one of unusual prosperity in New Eng- 
land. Although our own business has [not] been equal to what 
it usually is, there has been a great deal to be grateful for ; and 
it is our duty to offer our most devout thanks to that Great Spirit, 
the source of every good and perfect gift, for the many blessings 
He has showered upon us. 

During the year which had closed, the members of the house 
of Stimson & Hodges had discussed the subject of terminating 
their long business connection. There had been quite a 
falling off in their trade. Mr. Stimson had become inter- 
ested in various other profitable enterprises which absorbed 
a large share of his time. His partner was much inclined to 
an exclusively wholesale business, and had been urged by 
liis old friend, John L. Emmons, to join the prosperous whole- 
sale firm in Boston of which Mr. Emmons was a member. 

In February, 1845, the firm of Stimson & Hodges was dis- 
solved, not without regrets, by the retirement of Almon D. 
Hodges, being succeeded by the firm of Stimson & Paige. 
Mr. Stimson soon retiring, George Paige — who had been con- 
nected with Stimson & Hodges — and his brother, Frederick 



228 SIX CHANGING YEARS. 

A. Paige, continued the business "at the old stand" with the 
style of G. & F. A. Paige. 

My father, on leaving his old firm, at once formed a co- 
partnersliip in Boston with Emmons & Weld, under the name 
of Hodges, Emmons & Weld, the members being Almon D. 
Hodges, John L. Emmons and John D. Weld. In the Boston 
Almanac the firm was listed under the head of West India 
Goods and Groceries, wholesale. The next year (1846) INIr. 
Weld retired and the firm was Hodges & Emmons. The 
place was at 31 and 32 South Market Street, in close prox- 
imity to the Cradle of Liberty. 

The house of Hodges & Emmons continued in active and 
prosperous business during four years. Then father retired 
in order to take the presidency of the Washington Bank. 
The main reason of tliis change was his early perception of 
the signs of financial troubles which culminated in 1857. An 
era of speculation and extravagance was beginning, and many 
merchants, in his opinion, were unduly expanding their opera- 
tions and incurring dangerous risks. The money market, gen- 
erally tight, was becoming subject to great fluctuations. His 
Journal contains frequent mention of the state of affairs : — 
" The money market has been very stringent the last week and 
]noney on State Street has commanded 1 to 1|- per cent, per 
month." " Money becomes abundant at 6 per cent, having 
averaged from 9 to 18 per cent, per annum since October, 
1847, a period of over four years." " A very hard day in State 
Street — quite a panic. ]Money worth again 12 per cent, per 
annum." " Mone}^ has been very dear the last fortnight. A 
very hard time for the merchants. Kates, from 12 to 18 per 
cent." " The last ten days have been the hardest in the 
money market since 1837. Rates, 15 to 24 per cent." "The 
contraction of the banks has continued throughout the week. 
The Grocers' Bank has had to have help to keep it from 
failing." Week by week he thus noted the course of the 
money market, mentioned the prominent failures throughout 



SIX CHANGING YEARS. 229 

the United States — which began to occur long before the 
final catastrophe — and expressed his uneasiness concerning 
the iinancial situation. Yet he believed, as he wrote in the 
period of greatest darkness, "the country is full of every tiling- 
needed to support life and make every man, woman and child 
comfortable, provided there be proper means of distribution. 
In the system of God's providence it would seem that things 
are properly arranged, but that wickedness, extravagance and 
other sins cannot long exist without just punishment.'" * He 
had many earnest talks with his intimate friend, .Moses 
Williams, whose views were similar to his own. 

Doubtless liis decision to retire from business was hastened 
by the death of his dear wife, which occurred in August, 
1849. Furthermore Mr. Aaron Baldwin resigned the presi- 
dency of the Washington Bank in 1850, and Moses Williams, 
who was an influential director of this bank, was very anxious 
to secure in Mr. Baldwin's place a man of undoubted ability. 
Through Mr. Williams's influence, principally, the presidency 
was offered to, and accepted by, my father, who thus recorded 
the result in his Journal : — 

1850, Nov. a. I was elected unanimousi}' a director, and then 
President, of the Washington Bank (State Street), My elec- 
tion to this oftice was very gratifying to my feelings. I made 
a short address on taking the chair. The directors chosen were : 
Almon D. Hodges (in place of Aaron Baldwin, who declined a re- 
election), Francis Bacon, Josiah P. Cooke, George D. Dutton, John 
L. Emmons, Parker Fowle, George T. Lyman, William Lincoln, 
Flavel Moseley, Josiah Stedman, Alanson Tucker, Jr., and INIoses 
Williams. Other officers were : D. A. Sigourney, cashier ; James 
H. Champney, book-keeper ; Charles P. Putnam, teller, and James 
W. Cashing, messenger. 

So long as the family remained in Providence, it was neces- 
sary for my father to make semi-weekly journeys between the 

* Journal, January 1, 1S5S. 



230 



SIX CHANGING YEARS. 



Phillipj 
''/^ Beach. 
Cove. 

ledBoci. OCEAN 



two cities. As a rule he passed Sundays and Mondays at his 
home, and the rest of the week in Boston. A yearly ticket 
on the Boston and Providence Railroad, with the privilege of 

two trips a week, cost 
at first (in 1845) one 
hundred dollars, l)ut the 
price was reduced soon 
after to seventy-five dol- 
lars. 

In June, 1846, the 
house in Providence* 
was rented to Philip 
Allen, Jr., and on July 
2 the family moved to 
Swampscott, Massachu- 
setts, — a lovely sea- 
shore resort within a 
convenient railroad dis- 
tance from Boston, — 
and " anchored at Mr. 
Ansel F. Nesbit's," who 
jj^^^JI kept a first-class house 
and charged first-class 
prices, for the times, — 
each per 



^r^x'^ five dollars 




(1 

EASTERN RAILROAD, BETWEEN BOSTON AND SWAMPSCOTT, 1846. 



week for the adults of 
the family, and two or 
three dollars for the 
small children and for 
the maid. 



* 1851, Jany. 27 and Feb. 5. Sold my house ou Benevoloat Street, 
Providence, to Dr. Abraham H. Okie [a noted homeopathic physician] 
for ■'S!l5,000. I could not help feeling a shade of melancholy at parting 
with a place which I had taken so much pleasure in fitting up, and 
which had been a source of great enjoyment. [Journal of A. D. H.] 



SIX CHANGING YEARS. 231 

That the family's change of position from little Rhode 
Island to the vicinity of the Hub, altered the equilibrium of 
a part of the earth's surface and caused it to tip, may not be 
positively affirmed; yet the record sliows that on August 
25 following, "an earthquake is felt this morning about 5 
o'clock." However, earthquakes have occurred at other dates 
in New England, beginning historically on June 1, 1638. 
The most noted one happened on November 18, 1755, when 
Boston was so " dreadfully shaken " that the grasshopper 
vane was thrown down from the tower on Faneuil Hall, and 
all the ministers were provided with a text for their sermons 
on the following Sunday. The Journal records, in addition 
to the shake of August 25, 1846, one on November 28, 1852, 
at 12 o'clock A. M., and another on October 20, 1870, when 
"about 11-| A. M. an earthquake shock was felt in Boston 
and over almost all New England. The chimneys of the gas- 
lights in the [Washington] bank rattled against the shades. 
People ran out of the Sears building, which is said to be 
cracked in one or two places, and there was a scattering of 
the occupants from many other large buildings." 

The family remained at Swampscott for three months. On 
October 9 " all hands moved to the United States Hotel* in 
Boston, where I have engaged rooms until about ]\Iay 1, next, 
for self, wife, Frederick, A. D. Jr. and Frank at |26 per week, 
including fires ; when Townsend and Foster are with us, it is 
to be -^6 per week more." The next summer was spent at 
Swampscott, at Gorham Brackett's boarding house. During 
the winter of 1847-48 the family were again at the United 
States Hotel, occupying " rooms 315, 316 and 161 at -§26 per 
week, fire and light extra, for self, wife, xllmon D. Jr., Frank, 
and Catherine " the maid. This does not seem an exorbitant 

* Ralph W. Holman died in Newtou, Mass., on tlie 20th. He kept 
the United States Hotel in Boston when I and my family boarded there 
in 1S4G and 1S47, and the Winthrop House in Boston when we were 
there in 1850 and 1851. [Journal, Nov. 24, 1371.] 



•23J SIX CHANGING YEARS. 

charge for a first-class hotel, where the landlord gave a ball 
or two each winter to his guests. 

During the period of hotel life, father was searching for 
a new home in the vicinity of his adopted city, and finally 
found a satisfactory place in Koxljury. Boston has long had 
the most beautiful suburbs of any city in the world. At that 
time Dorchester and lioxbur}-, with their fine estates and 
handsome mansions rich in historical associations, were the 
loveliest of the city's environs. It was an unfortunate day 
for these places when they were annexed to the metropolis, 
lost their independence and individuality, and became insig- 
nificant members of one of those overgrown corporations 
which Americans hav^e yet to learn to govern properly. Very 
likely loss of beauty would have resulted gradually through 
natural increase of population, although Brookline, which has 
refused to unite with Boston, thus far has suffered no such 
sad change. But annexation brought a sudden destruction of 
the attractions of Roxbury and Dorchester. The main effec- 
tive argument for the union was that real estate would rise 
in value, — and it did, with a boom. Taxes rose also. Then 
the bottom of the boom dropped out, and investors were 
left with properties on their hands which were practically 
unsalable. In order to obtain income from them, the large 
estates were cut up and everywhere cheap houses were 
erected. This settled the business. Fashion deserted these 
places which grew cheaper and homelier in appearance, and 
cheaper in reality. There are numerous estates which cannot 
be sold to-day for the prices which they brought sixty years 
ago, even where they have been well kept up and have been 
liberally improved. The large handsome mansions have van- 
ished or are now valueless ; but this is owing in great measure 
to the disappearance of the New England housekeeper. The 
great majority of the American city women of the present 
time, anxious to evade all possible domestic cares, and desir- 
ous to be entertained but not to entertain, are content to live 



SIX CHANGING YEARS. 238 

ill contracted spaces which their predecessors woukl have 
scorned. Only the exceedingly wealthy now have the floor- 
area in their houses which was considered a necessity by the 
ordinary old New Engiander of any social pretension. 

In the fall of 1847, my father purchased of J. Aniory 
Davis, for the sum of nine thousand dollars, the house and 
lot, numbered 39, on St. James Street, Roxbury, and at once 
began the construction of a large addition to the ell. On 
March 18, 1848, "we all moved from the United States 
Hotel this afternoon to our house in Roxbury, viz : self, 
Martha, Danforth, Townsend, Frank, Grace Gardner [the 
cook] and Julia [the maid], it being just eleven years to a 
day since we moved into our new house on Benevolent Street, 
Providence." 

The St. James Street house, when the family took posses- 
sion, consisted of a two-story main building, 10 feet by 27 
feet, with a three-story ell, 50 feet by 15 feet. The spacious 
entrance hall, large enough to contain sofas and chairs, ex- 
tended through the center of the main building from the front 
door to the circular staircase which gave access to the second 
story. (3n the right hand, or easterly side, of the hall was the 
drawing room, extending the whole depth of the main house 
and having windows on three sides. On the left of the hall 
were the library — used as a sitting room and stocked with 
the standard works of English literature, tlie books overflow- 
ing into other parts of the house, — and the dining room, 
which extended far enough into the ell to have windows on 
two opposite sides. Back of the dining room was the back 
entry with its staircase, and then the airy kitchen, and beyond 
this a large laundry. 

On the second floor, above the drawing-room and of the 
same large size, was a bedroom, used cliiefly as a guest-room.. 
Over the main hall was a similar hall, the front part of which 
was partitioned off into a bedroom. Over the librar}^ was 
another bedroom, and over the dining-room was the " nur- 



234 SIX CHANGING YExVKS. 

seiy."' In the ell, back of the niirfcjeiy but at a somewhat 
lower level — owing to the less height of the kitchen and 
laundry — was the back entry, running to the bedroom at the 
northerly end of the house. This room was over the laundry. 
Off the entry were also the large bathroom, and a bedroom 
called " the little hot bedroom," because it was over the kitchen 
and was heated by the chimney of the kitchen range. 

In the upper story of the ell were two rooms for the ser- 
vants and a large store-room. Below all the house were large 
cellars. 

Thus this house contained fourteen rooms for nine persons 
besides the maids : and nearly all the rooms were larger than 
is now usual. 

At a later date the house was enlarged to its present size. 
A two-story ell was added on the westerly side, with a bed- 
room on the upper story and two rooms below : one used 
first as a sitting-room, but later converted into a dining-room 
closet ; the other was the kitchen pantry. Also a mansard 
roof, with a cupola, was built over the main building, furnish- 
ing four additional bedrooms and a large linen closet. As 
the front-entry bedroom was then removed, the house now 
contained twenty rooms besides the linen closet, which was 
Ijig enough for a bedroom. 

The above description has been written in order to give an 
idea of what was considered necessary for a well-to-do Old 
New England family with Old New England ideas of comfort 
and hospitality. 

The house stood back from the street in a garden which 
measured nearly half an acre, where grew grass, flowers, veg- 
etables, various fruit-bearing bushes, trees and vines, and 
some shade trees and flowering shrubs. In the ante-bellum 
days cherries, grapes, pears, peaches, currants (red, wliite and 
black) and gooseberries were grown in quantity sufficient, or 
nearly sufficient, in their season, to supply the needs of tlie 
family. The peaches were produced so abundantly that they 



SIX CHANGING YEARS. 285 

were given away by the bushel. Strawberries, however, were 
difficult to raise. Corn, beans, peas, squashes and some other 
vegetables made a very respectable showing. Father was very 
fond of working in the garden, and devoted much of his spare 
time to tliis occupation. We young children were allotted 
each a small plot which we were urged to cultivate, and the 
products of our toil were bought by father at the highest 
market prices. We, however, failed to win much credit as 
market-gardeners, and were unable to maintain a lasting en- 
thusiasm for this vocation, despite the encouraging example 
of the head of the family. The only success achieved by any 
of us was my own, and this was confined exclusively to the 
line of rhubarb. This sturdy plant, I discovered, would grow 
luxuriantly with only the slightest amount of attention on my 
part, and I filled my whole plot with it. The family at 
length rebelled at the constant appearance of this wholesome 
edible on the table — all except father, who, I believe, would 
have eaten rhubarb tlu'ee times a day rather than break his 
agreement to purchase all our products. I myself became 
so surfeited (although I concealed the fact) that I have never 
since had any desire for the dish. Finally my brothers de- 
stroyed my plants and violently ended my career as a rhu- 
barber. 

St. James Street traverses the northerly edge of Tommy's 
Rocks (more politely termed Mount Warren), and the house 
stands at the highest point of tins street, nearly ninety feet 
above the sea. The lower part of the garden is bounded on 
two sides by perpendicular cliffs of the "pudding stone" 
rock whence Rocksbury (as the word was anciently spelled) 
derived its name, and is on a level with the ridgepoles of the 
neighboring houses on Cliff Street. From the upper stories 
of our home we had beautiful views to the north and east, — 
of Cambridge, Boston and the harbor. Before new buildings 
interfered, we could see the forest of trees in Roxbur}- ; the 
distant hills of West Cambridge, now Arlington ; the Back 



•236 SIX CHANGING YEARS. 

Bay fields and marshes, and the Worcester Railroad trains 
crossing them ; the houses, steeples and towers of Boston, 
crowned by the State House dome ; Dorchester Heights in 
South Boston ; and, with the aid of a spyglass, the vessels 
entering and leaving the harbor. At night the city streets, 
marked by lines of light, and the fires blazing intermittently 
from the stacks of the South Boston Iron "Works, delighted 
our childish eyes. On Fourth of -Tul}' night we could see 
fireworks in all directions, even the ground pieces on Boston 
Common being discernible. It was a lovely situation. 

So soon as father reached Boston with his family, he rented 
a pew in the Brattle-street Church, of wliich Samuel Kirkland 
Lothrop was pastor. Dr. Lothrop was highly esteemed by 
his congregation, I believe, but the chief impression which 
we small church-goers received was caused by the cannon ball 
imbedded in the front of the church, wliich was a constant 
reminder to us of the doughty deeds of our forefathers in 
driving the Britisli out of Boston in 1776. When father 
settled in Roxbury he bought a pew, No. 53, in the gallery of 
the First Church of Roxbury, which church he attended dur- 
ing the rest of his life. 

Dr. George Putnam was one of the finest preachers of New 
England. He was graduated at Harvard College in 1826 and 
at the Harvard Divinit}' School in 1830. Thereupon he was 
installed minister of the First Church of Roxbury and held 
his position until his death in 1878, for the last three years, 
owing to his ill-health, having a colleague. During nearly 
half a century he guided his congregation with a firm hand, 
and without the slightest friction. His sermons, which were 
prepared carefully and written out, were remarkable for 
beauty of language, abundance of ideas, clear thinking and 
persuasive reasoning, and he interested and swayed liis hear- 
ers, both old and young, almost at will. His discourses were 
not oratorical or sensational, and dealt chiefly wdth the thoughts 
and events of every-day life ; but they were delivered with a 




REV. GEORGE PUTNAM, D. D. 



SIX CHANGING YEARS. 237 

quiet intensity wliicli went straight to the mark. He was no 
controversialist, and a theological argument was an exceeding 
rarity ; yet when occasion demanded, as at the breaking out 
of the Civil War, he could speak emphatically. He might, 
perhaps, be summed up as the Benjamin Franklin of the 
American pulpit. In the community he was a man of influence 
and helpfulness; was a Presidential Elector in 1864, repre- 
sented Roxbury in the State legislature in 1870 and 1871, and 
was a Fellow of Harvard College for many years. 

In 1846 the Mexican War began. There was much oppo- 
sition to this war in New England. " I fear our country will 
be called to a dreadful account for an offensive and unjust 
war with Mexico, a war made without sufficient cause,"* is 
the comment in the Journal. Immediately after tliis contest 
the Presidential election of 1848 was held. There were three 
candidates: General Zachary Taylor, Whig; General Lewis 
Cass, Democrat ; and ex-President Martin Van Buren, Free 
Soil. " I cast my ballot for Gen. Zachary Taylor, who was 
elected, getting 163 electors, over Gen. Cass, who obtained 
127, and Martin Van Buren, who obtained 000 ! " is the Jour- 
nal entry of November 7, 1848, the day of election. "I was 
not pleased with the nomination of General Taylor, preferring 
Daniel Webster or John McLean of Ohio ; but voted for him 
as against Cass and a continued Democratic administration." 
The Whigs carried the Massachusetts State election on No- 
vember 14, and on November 23 there was " a grand illumi- 
nation in Roxbury in honor of the National and State Whig 
victories. My house was illuminated for the first time since 
I have been a housekeeper." 

On October 25, 1848, occurred the Cochituate Water Cele- 
bration in Boston. Father of course closed the store and was 

* James Kussell Lowell, in the Biglow Papers, wittily and ably ex- 
pressed the general feeling in Xew England. General Grant, who fought 
in this war, declared, in his Personal Memoirs, that it was "one of the 
most nnjust ever waged by a stronger against a weaker nation." 



238 SIX CHANGING YEARS. 

on hand, all the more interested, perhaps, on account (jf being- 
president of the Mount Warren Water Company of Koxbury. 
There was a procession, about five miles long, which marched 
through the streets and then to the Connnon, where the water 
was turned on and spouted up eighty feet in the fountain on 
Frog Pond. The Boston City (xuards turned out — they may 
be seen at the left of the accompanying illustration — and the 
Providence Light Infantry participated, " the Ijest looking 
company present." " It was a great day for Boston, and 
everybody api:)eared happy." 

In 1848 the discovery of gold in California attracted the 
attention of the world and caused intense excitement. The 
adventurous spirits of all classes thronged thither, and a 
strange mixture of the good and the bad was collected on 
the Pacific coast. Among those attacked by the gold fever 
was William H. Townsend of Providence, who had married 
Martha Comstock's sister. His experience, which was that 
of many another Californian Argonaut, is narrated in the fol- 
lowing letter : — 

San Fkancisco, Oct. 12, 1849. 

There are people here, waiters in eating houses, laborers on the 
beach and elsewhere about town, drivers of carts, sellers of ginger- 
bread, billiard-game markers, bar tenders, keepers of restaurants, 
&c., &c., who, when at home, would never have been caught in 
such occupations ; but something they must do, for here no man 
can live " standing all the day idle." I arrived here on the first 
of June last. I was connected with two young men, and our in- 
tentions were to hang together, go to the mines and continue there 
until we liad " dug " enough to make ourselves comfortal)le for 
life. We started from this i>lace on the 29th of June in a little 
schooner (the Favorite, Capt. Whelden, who came from New 
Bedford round the Horn) and reached her destination, Stockton, 
[on the San Joaquin river] tlie third morning afterwards, having 
encountered millions of the worst kind of mosquitos. The last 
night, as we laid alongside of the bank of the river, tied up to the 



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SIX CHANGING YEARS. 239 

rushes, so annoying were these animals that none of us eouki 
sleep. They are al)Out three times as large as our biggest JoJin- 
ston /Spoonbills, and will go through anything, — clothes, boots, 
blankets or anything else. I enveloi)ed myself completely in a 
large blanket, and in less than fifteen minutes a dozen, more or 
less, were putting it tome strong in my face and hands. Some 
passengers crawled into barrels and covered themselves com- 
pletely, and yet in a little while were ol)liged to evacuate and 
leave the enemy in possession. This discomfort, thought I, is the 
beginning of the ordeal we must undergo before we can make our 
fortunes ! So we stood it bravely. We took our coffee in the 
morning, helped haul the vessel up stream, as there was no wind, 
and arrived at Stockton at 9 A. M., July 2. 

Here we fell in with the Providence mining company, among 
whom were Gol. B. of the Light Infantry, and Doct. F. We soon 
ascertained there was no chance to get away from the place the 
same day, therefore packed our tent and other traps a little dis- 
tance from the landing, pitched the tent and in a couple of hours 
were " tent keeping " in good style. 

On the glorious Fourth we dined with the aforesaid company on 
pork and beans, not to mention the doughnuts made by the Doc- 
tor, who, by-the-by, is an excellent cook. There was also a public 
dinner got up by the " citizens " at one of the " hotels " (a frame 
with cotton-cloth covering), but even the reduction of the price 
of a ticket to two ounces of gold (32 dollars) was not a sufficient 
inducement for us to join the patriotic few. After dinner the 
Doctor, the Colonel and I had a walk of a mile or two to a rancho 
(farm-house) and })artook of some fresh milk at 50 cents a pint. 
As it was our national jubilee, we thought it would do to indulge 
in some kind of luxury. After our return, took tea, and in the 
evening had a look at the moon, instead of firew^orks. 

Stockton is very pleasantly located on a little creek at the head 
of navigable waters of the San Joaquin 1 liver. It is situated on a 
plain and the climate is very fine ; but the place is liable to inun- 
dations in the winter and spring. The town at this time is com- 
posed of some fifty tents of different sizes and kinds, and there is 
only one frame building in the place, and yet house-lots are 
worth, in very central positions, S3000. 



240 SIX CHANGING YEARS. 

Our company made a bargain with a Mexican with ox-teams to 
cany us to the diggings on the Tuohirane River at the mouth of 
Wood Creek. After a tedious journey we arrived, pitched our 
tent and put things in order. On the latter pai't of the day after 
our arrival, took a stroll up the creek and selected a place to com- 
mence digging. The next morning went at it on the bank of the 
river close to the water, and worked until 10 A. M., when the heat 
was so great, without a breath of air, that Ave knocked off, having 
gathered (three of us) a half ounce of gold only. We continued 
at this place about four days and gathered only ^39 worth. This 
being j^oor pay, we tried other places, without any better success. 
The river was too high to work on its banks, and Ave were desir- 
ous to cross it and try the gullies on the other side. A ferry is 
already established and the price for crossing is ^1, which made 
•§2 going and coming. We tried this a day or two, and not get- 
ting gold enough to pay expenses, endeavored to make a contract 
with the ferryman for a whole party (16 of us) at reduced prices. 
He Avould not do it, therefore we resolved to build a canoe of our 
own. A i^arty Avas delegated for this purpose, a pine tree of three 
or four feet in diameter Avas felled and tAventy feet of the butt 
rolled to our tent grounds, and in four days we had a ferry boat 
.and put it afloat, reducing the fare to 50 cents. Our party had 
the use of her, and it brought an income of 120 to 130 daily, we 
taking turns as ferrymen. 

We did but little better in digging, however. The most I took 
in one day Avas three-quarters of an ounce, travelling on the rocks 
and precipices, a mile each Avay, twice a day. Our whole receijjts 
Avere small and the work hard, — picking, shovelling, boiling water 
to wash Avith, and then " pan-Avashing," a very back-aching ojjera- 
tion. My associates about this time became discouraged by our 
small doings and left me, to return to San Francisco. I tarried 
about a month alone, doing a little noAV and then, but I soon found 
that a lone person could accomplish nothing, and I did not tind 
any Avith whom to form new associations, Avho Avere to my liking. 
I conclu<led to abandon mining, and back to San Francisco I 
came. 

Almost all of the companies break up after their arrival here 
and divide into small squads, — for some Avork a little harder than 



SIX CHANGING YEARS. 241 

the others, some don't eat one kind of food and don't want to pay 
for what they don't eat, and other like difficulties. Some want to 
do one thing and some another. Thus almost all associations dis- 
agree and dissolve. Yours very truly, 

W. If. TOWXSEND. 

For a year and a half peace and happiness reigned in the 
Roxbury home. Then death suddenly entered the doors and 
struck quickly five terrible blows. 

In the year 1841 an epidemic of cholera broke out in 
India, — that breeding-place of destruction for the world. 
It spread slowly and surely in a northwesterly direction, and 
in 1847 had extended through Persia and Afghanistan into 
Southern Russia, whence it was carried over the rest of 
Europe. In the latter part of 1848 it was introduced by 
emigrants from Europe into New Orleans, and in 1849 made 
such dreadful ravages in the United States that President 
Taylor issued a proclamation, recommending that the people 
observe Friday, August 3, as a day of fasting, humiliation and 
prayer. 

In the evening of August 18, 1849, Grace Gardner, the 
colored cook, who had been a long time with the family, 
serving with loving faithfulness, fell sick with the terrible 
disease and died in twelve hours. There was grief at her 
loss, especially on the part of the younger cliildren, who re- 
garded her as a friend. There was alarm, and relatives hur- 
ried up from Providence ; but the precautions prescribed by 
the doctors were taken, and the alarm soon subsided. 

Ten days later, on August 29, another deadly blow was 
struck. A half hour after midnight, mother awoke in great 
distress. She had retired apparently in excellent health, but 
her symptoms were at once recognized by father, who, within 
tliirty minutes, had brought to the house Dr. Charles M. 
Windship of Roxbury. He, seeing the seiiousness of the 
attack, while doing all in his power, called for assistance ; 



24-2 SIX CHANGING YEARS. 

and father rushed into Boston for our family physician, Dr. 
Marshall S. Perry, who arrived at five o'clock. But the case 
was now hopeless. " I saw then that I must part with the 
wife of my youth, the dear partner of my joys and my sorrows. 
She asked me to pray for lier. I made an attempt, but my 
utterance was choked. I did pray mentally, but anguish pre- 
vented my speaking the words aloud. She too seemed to feel 
more than she could utter, and to know that the time had 
come when she must part from me and our dear children." 
She asked for her first-born son, who had always seemed to 
be especially near her lieart ; when he came she smiled on 
liim, being unable to speak. Then her other children were 
brought to her bedside, but she had become unconscious and 
knew them not, so rapid was the progress of the disease. In 
nine hours from the beginning of the attack, with a gentle 
sigh, she passed quietly into the unknown. 

Among those who had come to help from Providence were 
Miss Harriet N. Harding and Mrs. B. Sisson. While father 
and my older l)rothers were in Providence, attending mother's 
funeral, Miss Harding suddenly sickened and died, on August 
31, before father could be called back. The next day Mrs. 
Sisson took the three smallest children to Providence to place 
them with relatives there. Immediately upon her arrival, she 
too was taken sick, and in nine hours her spirit had fled. 
And at midnight, on September -i, little Carroll, our baby 
brother, «->nly eleven months^ old, went to join his mother, 
being unable to live without her. Then at last Death stayed 
his hand. 

The Roxbury home was broken up and the family was 
scattered. It was a time of heavy sadness for fathei', sud- 
denly deprived of his loving and lielpful wife, and left with 
six children whose ages ranged from three to eighteen 3^ears, 
and for whose welfare he felt a deep sense of responsibility. 
He was not left, however, to struggle with fate unassisted. 
Undeterred by fears of the deadly epidemic, relatives and 



SIX CHANGING YEARS. 243 

friends, with true New England affection and hospitality, at 
once came forward with earnest offers of help and cordial 
invitations to their own homes. Without waiting to be asked, 
neighbors had entered the house and assumed the manage- 
ment of the work which must be done at all times. The 
younger children were taken to other houses until permanent 
arrangements could be made. With tenderness and sym- 
pathy those loving acts were done which death demands. 

The house on St. James Street was closed. Father with 
his two oldest sons, after a short stay with cousins, took rooms 
at the United States Hotel for the winter. The two next sons 
were sent to boarding schools, and the two youngest went to 
live with their grandmother in Providence. 



In the autumn of 1850, Jenny Lind, the Swedish nightin- 
gale, came to Boston, and father heard her sing. Her con- 
certs created the wildest enthusiasm. The first ticket for a 
concert in Boston sold for six hundred and twenty-five dol- 
lars. No other singer in the country has ever created an 
equal excitement or achieved a like popularity. In the public 
opinion she was the sweetest singer of the world. She re- 
mained about two years in America, carrying ever}- audience 
by storm. On February 5, 1852, she married in Boston her 
pianist, Otto Goldschmidt, and soon after returned to Euro2)e. 

This summer father took a trip to the White Mountains 
with a nephew. The route from Boston was by rail to Port- 
land and thence b}- coach to Sebago Lake ; by steamer through 
the lake, Ilumrill River and Brandy Pond to Bridgton ; by 
stage to Conway and thence to the ]Mount Washington House 
at Fabyan's. Including the stops over night at Portland and 
at Conway, tlie journey occupied fifty-one and a half hours. 

At seven o'clock on the morning of July 18, "I started on 
horseback for INIount Washington with a party of twenty-one 
gentlemen and four ladies. While going up the mountain 
the weather was very fine and the atmosj)here was perfectly 



244 SIX CHANGING YEARS. 

clear. We arrived at the Summit about one o'clock, and 
there the weather was very thick. The company, however, 
was pleasant. We had a collation, and then started back. 
On the way the rain came down in torrents and wet us 
through and through. Though our troop had a very woe- 
begone appearance, we rode up to Fabyan's singing ' Life is 
so short, come let us be gay ; ' and the company at the hotel, 
assembled on the veranda, greeted me with three cheers." 

The next morning the party started on the return jour- 
ney, riding to Gibbs's Franconia Notch House, through the 
Notch to the Flume, and down Pemigewasset Valley to Ply- 
mouth, where the cars were taken to Boston. " I have been 
absent six days, have had a very pleasant journey, and my 
expenses were thirty dollars." 

During the summer of 1850 father made his headquarters 
at Tuttle's noted hostelry at beautiful Savin Hill, in Dor- 
chester. In the fall he returned for a month to the United 
States Hotel, and then went to the Winthrop House, on the 
northeasterly corner of Tremont and Boylston Streets, where 
a new chapter of his life's liistory began. 




THE WASHINGTON BANK OF BOSTON 



■HE twelfth Boston bank cliartered ^ — -on February 
25, 1825 — by the Massachusetts legislature, was 
entitled The President, Directors and Company 
of the Washington Bank. The original incor- 
porators were Aaron Baldwin, Daniel Baxter, Thomas Brewer, 
Josiah P. Cooke, William Dall, Windsor Fay, Benjamin V. 
French, French & Weld, Thomas Hunting, Josiah Knapp, 
Jonathan P. Stearns, Charles Thacher and John Thompson. 

The capital was to be #500,000 in gold and silver, in addi- 
tion to such amount as the State might elect to subscribe, 
divided into shares of -flOO each, to be paid in quarterly in- 
stallments. No dividends could be declared until the whole 
•$500,000 were paid in, which must have been done on or 
before February 1, 1826. The capital stock must be actually 
held by the original subscribers at least one year from the 
date of the charter ; and unless the bank went into operation 
within the twelvemonth, the charter was to be null and void. 
The State reserved the right at any time to subscribe •$250,000 
in addition to the capital, subject to the ordinary rules pre- 
scribed by law, and also to appoint a number of directors in 
proportion to the amount of its subscription.* 

The amount of bills issued by the bank was not to exceed 
50 per cent, more than the paid-in capital. The bank was 
made liable to pay, to any bona-hde holder, the original 
amount of any bank note wliich, in the course of circulation, 
might be altered to a larger sum, and also to pay the full 

* The State never exercised any of the rights. 
(245) 



246 THE WASHINGTON BANK OF BOSTON. 

amount of any of its notes which might be counterfeited, 
unless such notes had been printed or impressed with the 
phite of the bank. 

The bank was to pay the State an annual tax of one-half of 
one per cent, on the amount of its capital. Whenever the 
legislature should so decide, the bank was to loan the State 
any required sum not exceeding ten per cent, of its capital, 
and such sum was to be reimbursed by five installments, an- 
nually or at any shorter period chosen by the State, at five 
per cent, interest ; but the State was not to be indebted to 
the bank, without consent of the latter, for a larger sum than 
20 per cent, of the capital. 

The bank must be established and kept in Boston, and must 
be located at some point south of the north side of Essex 
Street. This restriction of the location was repealed b}- the 
legislature in 1844. The bank, in the beginning, was a South 
End institution, most of its shares being held by residents of 
that part of Boston.* Three-fifths of the capital stock was 
subscribed by the Boylston Fire and Marine Insurance Com- 
pany, whose president, Aaron Baldwin, became president also 
of the bank, and eight of whose directors were members of 
the first bank directory of twelve. These were Aaron Bald- 
win, Thomas Brewer, Charles Davis, Windsor Fay, Josiah 
Stedman, John Thompson, Daniel Weld and Moses Williams. 
The other original directors were Samuel Bradlee, Josiah P. 
Cooke, Henry Price and Charles Thacher. 

The bank had a life of just seventy-seven years : from Fel)- 
ruary 25, 1825, the date of the original charter, until February 
20, 1902, when, in accordance with the vote of the stock- 
holders, it went into voluntary liquidation. It became a 
National Bank on January 1, 1865, but this change made no 
break in the continuity of the institution. 

* Lists of the original stockholders and of all the officers, together 
with the dividends paid, the surpluses accumulated and the highest and 
lowest stock prices, are given in Appendix VI. 




AARON BALDWIN, 
First President of the Washington Banl<. 



THE WASHINGTON BANK OF BOSTON. i>47 

During this period of seventy-seven years, a number of the 
bank officers served for unusually long terms. 

The board of directors consisted of from five to twelve 
members, at different dates. There were 47 directors in all, 
of whom Josiah Stedman held office for 43 years ; Moses Wil- 
liams, also 43 years ; Eben Bacon, 40 years ; Josiah P. Cooke, 
36 years ; Francis Bacon, 33 years ; Alanson Tucker, 32 years ; 
Almon D. Hodges, 28 years ; Aaron Baldwin, 26 years ; Joseph 
W. Balch, 24 years ; and Edward I. Browne, 23 years. 

There were four presidents : Aaron Baldwin, 26 years, 1825 
to 1850; Almon D. Hodges,' 28 years, 1850 to 1878 ; Eben 
Bacon, 17 years, 1878 to 1895 ; and C. Minot Weld, 6 years, 
1896 to 1902. 

There were five cashiers : Henry Jacques, 6 months in 1825 ; 
Daniel A. Sigourney, 28 years, 1825 to 1853 ; Charles A. Put- 
nam, 9 years, 1853 to 1862 ; William H. Brackett, 33 j^ears, 
1862 to 1895; and Francis A. Low, 6 1. years, 1895 to 1902.' 
Mr. Low's service as an officer of the bank extended over the 
long period of 46 years. He began as receiving teller in 1856, 
was soon promoted paying teller, and in 1895 was made 
cashier. In addition he was an officer of the Suffolk National 
Bank, the successor of the Washington National Bank, for 
about two years, making a term of continuous service of 48 
years. As paying teller he achieved a reputation unsurpassed 
by any like bank officer in Boston. When tlie bank closed, 
the directors voted him the sum of twenty-five hundred dol- 
lars in recognition of liis excellent services. 

There were five bookkeepers : Joshua Child, 8 years, 1825 
to 1832; J. A. Richards, 13 years, 1833 to 1845; James H. 
Champney, 41 years, 1846 to 1886 ; La Prelate H. Turner, 11 
years, 1887 to 1897; and John A. Easton, 4 years, 1898 to 
1902. James Howe Champney entered the bank's employ 
on August 24, 1834, as messenger, and held this position un- 
til he was made bookkeeper. For fidelity, efficiency and 
amiability his record was remarkable. It is affirmed that he 



•248 THE WASHINGTON BANK OF BOSTON. 

consented to take onlj- one vacation during his whole con- 
nection with the bank, and this for a fortnight only ; but he 
came back at the end of ten days, declaring that he could stay 
away no longer. During his half century of service he was 
absent from his post only one working day per annum on an 
average. His accounts were kept with scrupulous neatness 
and accuracy. His ledger system was that used in mercantile 
houses, and when the bank finally decided to adopt the hori- 
zontal system, Mr. Champney preferred to resign rather than 
keep the books in the new way. On January 18, 1887, he 
wrote the following letter : — 

To the President and Directors and Co.: 

I liave been an officer of this Bank for more than fifty-two yeai's 
and have always done my duty to the best of my ability. During 
that time the Bank has not sustained any losses by overdrafts. 

I take this opportunity to thank you for past favors. In con- 
sequence of ill health and inability to do the work, I tender my 
resignation to take immediate effect from this date. I can recom- 
mend Mr. [Sanford L.] Treadwell as a [)erson well qualitied for 

the office. 

With much respect your friend 

jA:NrES H. Cha.mpxey. 

On receipt of this letter the directors took the following 
action : — 

Whereas JNIr. James H. Chamjtney, who has faithfully served 
this Bank in various capacities extending over more than fifty-two 
years, being now in the 80th year of his age, has been compelled 
by the infirmities of age to resign his connection with the Bank ; 
it is hereby 

Voted: That his resignation is accepted with great regret by 
the Directors, and that the thanks of the Board be extended to 
hira for his conscientious and faithful services extending over a 
term of years almost unequalled, and that the sum of -i!^50 per 
jnontli be paid him as long as he lives. 



THE WASHINGTON BANK OF BOSTON. -249 

jMr. Cbampney was the sou of John and Lydia (Howe) 
Charapuey, and was born in Roxbmy, Mass., December 4, 
1807. He died in Roxbury (then Boston) August 29, 1889, 
about two and a half years after his resignation. He married 
in Boston, November 23, 1841, Miss Sarah Elizabeth Wells, 
and had one child, James Wells Champney, who achieved dis- 
tinction as an artist, to the exceeding joy of liis father. 

Henry Kellogg was messenger and collecting clerk for 42 
years, 1854 to 1895, and was an excellent officer. Old age 
and poor health compelled him to resign, and the bank pen- 
sioned him. 

Of the other officers, nearly all deserve honorable mention. 
Their names and terms of service are given in Appendix VI. 
One of them, and only one, betrayed his trust and proved to 
be a defaulter to the amount of fourteen thousand dollars, 
but as his bondsmen paid ten thousand, the deficit was only 
four thousand dollars. The greatest good-fellowship always 
prevailed among the bank's employees, many of whom, after 
serving their apprenticeship here, held high office in other 
financial institutions. 

The first meeting of the stockholders, at which Aaron Bald- 
win was elected president and Henry Jacques casliier, was 
held on March 23, 1825, in the Lafayette Hotel which stood 
on Washington Street, on the site of the old Liberty Tree, 
nearly opposite the Boylston Market.* Tliis hotel was a 
four-story brick building, erected by S. Haskell just before 
General Lafayette's visit to our country in 1824, and was 
named in honor of " the Nation's guest." 

The whole number of shares was subscribed and paid for 
witliin the time prescribed by the charter. The bank began 
business at 471 Washington Street, in a building belonging to 
the Boylston Fire and Marine Insurance Company, of which 

* The Boylston Market, since torn down, was located on the south- 
westerly corner of Washington and Boylston Streets. 



•250 THE WASHINGTON BANK OF BOSTON. 

institution Mr. Baldwin remained president about eighteen 
years while serving also as president of the bank. In 1836 
the bank removed to 410 Washington vStreet, at the north- 
easterly corner of Beach Street. Here it occupied a building- 
erected expressly for it, with a granite front fashioned in the 
Doric style of architecture. This at the time was considered 
quite a grand edifice, but when the bank moved from it, in 
1844, its glor}- waned. It was occupied for twenty-three 
years by William H. Quigiey as a second-hand furniture 
store, and in 18(38 it was torn down. 

In 1837 occurred the great panic, when the United States 
Bank and the other banks in the country suspended specie 
payments. The banks in New York City suspended on May 
10, and the news of their action, received in Boston the next 
day, created intense excitement. A large meeting was held 
in Faneuil Hall at which it was resolved that self-protection 
required the Boston banks also to suspend, — otherwise they 
would lose all their specie — although many of them were in 
good financial condition, and although some of the bankers 
objected to this measure, believing that it would increase the 
business distress. Accordingly, on May 12, the Washington 
Bank and all the other Boston banks stopped redeeming their 
notes in specie, whereby they risked the loss of their charters. 
Immediately thereafter these banks, with the exception of the 
Massachusetts Bank, joined in an association for the purposes 
of mutual protection and supervision. Early in 1838 the 
opinion began to prevail that the situation would be greatly 
improved if the banks resumed specie payments. The Massa- 
chusetts legislature passed an act which favored such action, 
and on May 10 the Boston banks resumed, at the same date 
as the New York City banks. 

On December 18, 1843, a meeting of the stockholders was 
held to consider the question of surrendering their charter. 
The dividends that year had amounted to only 3i per cent, 
and the stock had sold at '|80| per share, the lowest point 



to 00 

:: > 

It -7 

Ui CD 

S c 




THE WASHINGTON BANK OF BOSTON. -251 

ever reached. After repeated voting, the question was de- 
cided in the negative. Then it was proposed to reduce the 
capital to #250,000, but this proposition was rejected. A 
change of location, however, was decided to be advisable, and 
the legislature was petitioned to repeal that part of the char- 
ter which restricted the place of business to the southern 
part of Boston. The petition being granted, the bank moved 
to 75 State Street, at the east corner of Kilby Street, having 
rooms in the second story. Mr. Baldwin resigned the presi- 
dency of the Insurance Company and gave all his attention 
to the bank. State Street was the centre of Boston banking 
affairs, and after the removal the dividends increased and the 
stock improved in price. 

The bank was not allowed by the terms of its charter to 
pay dividends in 1825, but in 1826 it began to declare semi- 
annual dividends, on April 1 and October 1, and maintained 
these continuously ever after, with just one exception. In 
1826 the dividends for the year amounted to 7 per cent., part 
of which, however, was earned in the preceding year. In 
1827, when the October dividend was passed, the solitary 
exception just named, the l)ank paid only 3 per cent. In 
1829, 1837 and 1843, the dividends amounted each year to 
3^^- per cent.; in 1830 and IS-l-l to 3| percent. These are 
the lowest amounts ever paid. During Mr. Baldwin's presi- 
dency the dividends averaged 5 per cent, per year. 

In 1850, Mr. Baldwin decided to resign. He had acquired 
a competence, was advanced in years, was very conservative 
in his ideas, and the duties of his office were beginning to 
weigh heavily on liim. He had engaged many 3-ears in the 
connnission business, and at one time had lived on the island 
of Tobago in the West Indies. He was born in Newton, 
Mass., January 18, 1783, tlie son of Enoch and Sybil (Knapp) 
Baldwin. His father was a Revolutionary soldier, served at 
Bunker Hill and elsewhere, and at' the laying of the corner- 
stone of Bunker Hill monument rode in the procession as one 



•252 THE WASHINGTON BANK OF BOSTON. 

of the survivors of the battle. Aaron Baldwin's residence in 
Boston, during a long period, was at 16 Essex Street, and 
here he died on P'ebruary 24, 1862. He married in Boston, 
June 18, 1809, Betsey Esther Marett, and left two children: 
Aaron Charles Baldwin, who afterwards resided in London, 
and Elizabeth Adelaide Baldwin, who married Thomas Gush- 
ing of Boston, the i^rincipal of the Chauncey Hall School. 

On November 6, 1850, the directors elected as president 
Almon D. Hodges, unanimously; and thereafter they re- 
elected him year by year, as long as he lived, without a single 
dissenting vote. 

My father had decided ideas as to the proper manner of 
conducting a business institution, and these he made plain 
to the directors before accepting office. On his election, he 
made a short address, stating briefly his opinions. Some of 
his views, which became familiar to his sons, may be men- 
tioned here. 

He held that the officers of a corporation are the servants 
of the stockholders, to whom they owe loyal service, and that 
they are bound to utilize for the benefit of their employers, 
not for their own personal gain, all opportunities which come 
to them as corporation officers. 

He believed that violent fluctuations of value are detri- 
mental to the common weal. In part, at least (there were 
other reasons), in order to steady as much as possible the 
price of the bank stock, he induced the directors to devote a 
share of the earnings of the bank to the accumulation of a 
surplus, — that the dividends might be paid regularly and 
without great variation in amount in lean years as well as in 
fat years. The bank surplus, when he became president, was 
less than eight thousand dollars. It increased gradually in 
twenty-five years to about three hundred thousand dollars. 
Meanwhile the capital stock was increased from -$500,000 
to -$750,000. The annual dividends during his incumbency 
averaged nine per cent, as against five per cent, during the 




ALMON DANFORTH HODGES, 

Second President of the Washington Bank, 



THE WASHINGTON BANK OF BOSTON. 253 

previous and the subsequent life of the bank. And yet, while 
he was president, there were two great financial panics, and 
four years of civil war which revolutionized the currency and 
nearly destroyed the national credit. 

He required that the bank officials should exercise great 
courtesy both to the customers of the bank and to one an- 
other. Jealousy and backbiting among the employees were 
an abomination to liim. It was his own custom always, on 
coming into the bank in the morning and leaving it at the end 
of the day, to greet pleasantly each one of ]iis subordinates. 
If by chance, as happened a few times, he went away without 
bidding good-bye to anyone, he was sure to return and rectify 
the omission. 

He quickly became acquainted with all who visited the 
bank and instantly recognized them when they re-appeared. 
He kept informed as to the financial standing of those who 
dealt with the institution and knew the status of the accounts 
of nearly or quite all the depositors. 'He was familiar with 
the duties of the employees and ready to lend a helping hand 
when necessary. On one occasion Mr. Kellogg, the mes- 
senger, who had grown old in the service, was absent a week 
on account of sickness, and father took his place at the Clear- 
ing House and performed Ms duties there, — probably the 
only instance in the history of this association in which a 
bank president has acted as messenger. When he felt that it 
was just and proper that the cashier's wage should be in- 
creased, he induced the directors to give this officer a salary 
equal to his own. 

Bank salaries of the highest officials, during the period in 
question, were low as compared with those which are usual 
at the present time. The Washington Bank paid its presi- 
dent a stipend of -11,500 in the year 1851, increasing it 
gradually until it amounted to -$4,000 in 1867, then raising 
it to $5,000 in 1897, and to $5,500 in 1900. The directors 
served gratuitously until 1893, when they voted themselves 



254 THE WASHINGTON BANK OF BOSTON. 

the sum of $2.50 each for each attendance at a regular meet- 
ing of the board. 

Father was cautiously progressive in his ideas. He kept a 
close watch on the theories and practices of other financial 
institutions at home and abroad, was always ready to hear 
and consider suggestions and criticisms, and was quick to 
adopt any measure so soon as he was convinced of its utility ; 
yet he was not prone to rash experimentation. Under his 
management the bank kept fully abreast with the times, not 
only in those daily business methods which make an institu- 
tion popular and attract and retain customers, but also in the 
matters which affect its welfare as a component part of the 
general financial world. Thus he was among the first to urge 
co-operation by moneyed associations, and one of those whose 
efforts resulted in united action in times of emergency by the 
Boston banks ; in which respect these banks were for years 
ahead of the other banks in our country. 

The Washington Bank was one of the original members of 
the Association of Banks for the Suppression of Counterfeit- 
ing, the first association of its kind in the United States, so 
far as I am informed. Through the efforts of its promoters, 
the Massachusetts legislature was induced to pass a bill, in 
May, 1852, granting annually a sum not exceeding $2,500 to 
any association of officers of banks in the Commonwealth for 
the prevention and detection of counterfeiting, the yearly 
sum paid to be equal to half the sum such association had 
expended in that year for the purposes specified. On Febru- 
ary 9, 1853, a meeting was held in Boston at which sixty 
banks were represented, the association was formed and fifteen 
managers were chosen, five from the banks in Boston and ten 
from the banks outside of this city. Subsequently the man- 
agers chose a chairman, a secretary and an executive com- 
mittee, and an assessment of $5 on each $100,000 of capital 
stock was laid on the banks which joined the association. 
During the year, 99 out of the 136 banks in operation became 



THE WASHINGTON BANK OF BOSTON. 255 

members. Banks in New England outside of the State were 
invited to join, but only eleven accepted. 

For a long time it was an uphill job to convince the major- 
ity of the country banks of the need of such an organization, 
plain as was the necessity to those who had studied the 
subject ; and passing strange was the difficulty encountered 
in inducing the public officials to co-operate vigorously in the 
prosecution and punishment of the counterfeiters, and in per- 
suading the sufferers to testify. Father took an active part 
in enlarging the association and in carrying out its objects. 
He visited various places in New England, and addressed 
meetings of bank officers, presenting statistics of the alarming 
spread of crime and showing to what a great extent not only 
the banks but also the public, especially the poor, were suf- 
ferers. In 1854 he was elected a manager and made treasurer 
and member of the executive committee, and held these offices 
so long as he lived. 

The association acted vigorously. Pespite all difficulties, 
in the first thirteen years of its existence it secured the con- 
viction of 593 counterfeiters. It also collected and published 
a large amount of useful information concerning the best 
means of preventing the alteration of bank bills, including 
the results of tests of the various kinds of paper and of ink, 
the proper sizes and designs, and other items involved in 
the making and uttering of the notes. It increased its 
membersliip throughout New England and promoted the 
formation of similar organizations in other parts of the United 
States. 

The legislature of Massachusetts was not asked for the 
annual grant in 1865, because the banks in the Commonwealth 
were surrendering their State charters and organizing under 
the national system. But the association continued its useful 
work for years thereafter, and was a potent factor in the dim- 
inution of the crime of counterfeiting. In the twelve years, 
1866 to 1877 inclusive, it caused the conviction of sixty- 



256 THE WASHINGTON BANK OF BOSTON. 

seven criminals and gave efficient aid to other societies of its 
kind. It was operating effectively in 1878, but not long 
after went out of existence. Apparently its place was taken 
by the protective department of the American Bankers' Asso- 
ciation, which completed its organization in 1876, and elected 
as its first president Mr. Charles B. Hall, cashier of the Boston 
National Bank, who for many years had been the efficient 
secretary of the older association. 

So soon as the New York banks formed a Clearing House 
Association, father with others began to agitate the subject 
in Boston. In 1855 the Boston Clearing House was estab- 
lished, the president of the Wasliington Bank being one of 
the original executive committee which completed the organ- 
ization. From the very beginning until his death, my father 
was a member of the Clearing House Committee, the actual 
rulers of the association. 

On January 19, 1854, at a meeting of the stockholders of 
the Washington Bank, it was voted unanimously to petition 
the legislature for an increase of the capital stock from 
■1500,000 to $1,000,000. Within an hour after the vote was 
passed, the petition was before the House of Representatives 
and was referred to the Committee on Banks and Banking. 
The president of the bank appeared before this committee 
and spoke in favor of the petition. After much discussion 
and deliberation, it was agreed to make the increase $250,000, 
which was accepted by unanimous vote of the stockholders 
at a meeting held on April 19, 1854. Thereafter the capital 
stock of the bank became and remained $750,000. 

On May 17, 1856, the bank moved to 47 State Street, 
taking the second story of the building adjoining the Mer- 
chants Exchange on the west. It may be well to name here 
all the locations of the Washington Bank during its existence. 

From 1825 to 1836 the bank was at 471 Washington Street, 
in a building owned by the Boylston Fire and Marine Insur- 
ance Company. 




Ta^T' boylstoninsurance office 




No. 47 STATE STREET. 



■ THE WASHINGTON BANK OF BOSTON. 257 

From 1836 to 1844 it was at 410 Wasliington Street, at 
the corner of Beach Street, in a building erected for it. 

From 1844 to 1856 it rented rooms at 75 State Street, at 
the east corner of Kilby Street, in the second story. 

From May 17, 1856, to April 1, 1889, it rented the second 
story of 47 State Street. 

From April 1, 1889, to October 1, 1891, it occupied tem- 
porary quarters at 53 Devonshire Street, during the construc- 
tion of the new Exchange Building. 

From October 1, 1891, to 1902, it was in rooms 209 and 
210 in the Exchange Building, 53 State Street. 

The panic of 1857 was not wholly unanticipated by the 
directors of the Washington Bank and other shrewd finan- 
ciers. There had been signs of trouble for ten years. In 
October, 1847, the money market had begun to be stringent, 
and during more than four years good paper was obliged to 
pay from nine to eighteen per cent, per annum. In the spring 
of 1852 money became temporarily abujidant at six per cent., 
but before the beginning of the next year it had become 
scarce again and commanded from twelve to twenty-four per 
cent. At the end of 1854 large firms were failing, with 
heavy liabilities, and in this year the Wasliington Bank was 
beginning to contract its loans. Money eased up to ten per 
cent, in the first part of 1855, but large failures continued, 
and before the end of the year at least one Boston bank 
closed its doors. There was a little alleviation in 1856 and 
the beginning of 1857 ; but in 1857 the banks in nearly all 
parts of the country were curtailing their loans, and in the 
fall the crash came. On September 25 the Philadelpliia banks 
suspended specie payments, followed by the banks of Balti- 
more, Washington and other places. The Providence banks 
suspended September 28. On the 30th, the Boston banks, in 
an attempt to mitigate the condition, voted to discount ten 
per cent, of their capital between that date and October 5 ; 
and on October 2, the merchants of Boston held a meeting 



258 THE WASPIINGTON BANK OF BOSTON. 

and declared that the Boston banks ought not to suspend so 
long as the New York banks paid specie. Money was now 
commanding two to three per cent, per month, or more. On 
October 13, the New York banks began to suspend, and in 
view of this the Boston banks and the banks generally also 
suspended. On October 31, father made this entry in his 
Journal : — 

This day ends the month of the most disastrous and trying 
time in financial affairs known to the present generation. Busi- 
ness of almost all kinds has come to a perfect standstill. Manu- 
facturing and other establishments have stopped and dischai'ged 
their operatives. A great many failures have taken place and 
a general breaking-up and breaking- down of mercantile houses, 
which have before weathered all the storms of the last twenty or 
thirty years. But a lighting- up has occurred within the last few 
days, and some business transactions have taken place on the 
street at one to one and a half per cent, per month, which is a 
great improvement. 

The improvement continued, and on December 14, the Bos- 
ton banks all resumed specie payments. Soon money became 
abundant again and was readily obtainable on good paper at 
6 per cent, per annum and less. 

The money market now remained easy until it was again 
disturbed by the intensely exciting presidential election of 
1860 and the threatened secession of the southern States. 
The election was held on November 6, the Republican party 
was victorious, and when the result was known the legislature 
of South Carolina called a convention to consider the question 
of secession. Money at once became tight and rates rose from 
6 per cent, to 9, 12, 18 and 24 per cent, before the end of the 
year. On November 24, the Boston bank officers held a meet- 
ing to devise methods for relieving the financial stringency ; 
they decided to continue to pay specie to the public, but 
agreed to receive one-half in specie and one-half in bills in 
their settlements with each other. The southern States se- 



THE WASHINGTON BANK OF BOSTON. 259 

ceded and many northern firms, especially those whose trade 
was with the South, were ruined. The Civil War broke out, 
and the national government soon was in great need of funds 
to meet the large and increasing expenditures for military 
and naval purposes. 

In this emergency, the Secretary of the Treasury, Salmon 
P. Chase, sought the advice of the leading financiers of the 
country, and various conferences were held by him in New 
York with delegates from the associated banks of New York, 
Boston and Philadelphia. At one of the meetings, on No- 
vember 14, 1861, the delegates from Boston were: Franklin 
Haven, president of the Merchants Bank ; Almon D. Hodges, 
president of the Washington Bank; Thomas Lamb, presi- 
dent of the New England Bank ; and Samuel H. Walley, 
president of the Revere Bank. There were present also five 
delegates from the New York banks and two from those of 
Philadelpliia. As one result of the conferences, the banks 
of the three cities named took a total of 150 millions of 
the notes and bonds issued by the United States. These 
millions were paid for in coin, and in December, 1861, the 
banks found it necessary to suspend specie payments. This 
action was decided on by the New York banks on December 

29, and immediately a trainload of speculators and other 
persons started by rail for Boston to draw gold from the 
banks there. Their purpose becoming known, the Boston 
bank presidents assembled early in the morning of December 

30, before the hour of opening, and their banks at once sus- 
pended although they had eight and three-quarter millions of 
coin in their vaults. The whole country, with the exception 
of the Pacific Coast, stopped specie payments and continued 
on a paper basis for seventeen years, resuming January 1, 
1879. 

Whether the financial conditions resulting from the Civil 
War rendered advisable the establishment of a national bank 
system, was a question which was raised in the first year of 



260 THE WASHINGTON BANK OF BOSTON. 

the war aud was soon being earnestly debated. There were 
many who strongly advocated such a system and others who 
strenuously opposed it, but the general trend of opinion, as 
time went on, was increasingly favorable. At the end of 

1863, there were 187 national banks in operation, with an 
aggregate capital of $23,031,200, but only a few of these 
were located in the great financial centers. In 1864, Con- 
gress passed a law, approved June 3, which practically settled 
the question and brought all the banks under the national 
system. Tliis was entitled, " An act to provide a national 
currency secured by a pledge of United States bonds and to 
provide for the circulation and redemption thereof." 

On December 2, 1863, a meeting was held, at the Union 
Club on Park Street, of presidents of Boston banks who fa- 
vored the change to a national system. There were present 
W. T. Andrews of the City Bank, Benjamin E. Bates of the 
Bank of Commerce, William Bramhall of the Shawmut Bank, 
Franklin Haven of the Merchants Bank, Almon D. Hodges of 
the Washington Bank, Thomas Lamb of the New England 
Bank, and Charles O. Wliitmore of the Market Bank. With- 
in a year thirty out of the forty-three banks in Boston had 
obtained national charters. 

The directors of the Washington Bank, on November 12, 

1864, in accordance with the unanimous resolution of the 
stockholders passed on the preceding day, voted to change 
and convert their bank into a national banking association 
under the name of the Washington National Bank, with a 
capital of -$750,000 in shares of <flOO each, and with not less 
than five directors. At this date there were 299 stockholders 
— 40 of these being corporations — of whom 240 held from 
1 to 24 shares each ; 27, from 25 to 49 ; 14, from 50 to 74 ; 

4, from 75 to 99; 7, from 100 to 199; 1, from 200 to 299; 

5, from 300 to 400 ; and 1, the Boylston Fire and Marine In- 
surance Company, held 722 shares. The largest individual 
stockholders were : Noble Maxwell of Bowdoinham, Me., 153 



THE WASHINGTON BANK OF BOSTON. 261 

shares; J. A. White of Framingham, Mass., 76 shares; A. & 
W. M. Tucker, trustees, 75 shares ; and William Phillips, 75 
shares. 

Under provisions of the act of Congress, an agent was ap- 
pointed at Washington to witness yearly, in behalf of the 
bank, the burning of its circulating notes ; also to examine 
and compare the bonds deposited in the office of the Treasurer 
of the United States, in trust for the bank, with the books of 
the Comptroller of the Currency and with the accounts fur- 
nished by the bank from time to time ; and to execute certifi- 
cates to the Treasurer when the bonds were found to be 
correct and to agree with the accounts. But the careful presi- 
dent of the bank occasionally went to Washington to assure 
himself that the examinations were properly conducted. 

The Washington Bank was temporarily revived as a State 
institution by an act of the Massachusetts legislature, ap- 
proved March 3, 1870, which provided that: 

The corporation heretofore known as -^.he President, Directors 
and Company of the Washington Bank, and located in Boston, is 
hereby revived and continued for the purpose of enabling the 
President and Directors of said Washington Bank, at the time 
when the same became an association for carrying on the business 
of banking under the laws of the United States, to convey, assign 
and transfer to the Washington National Bank of said Boston any 
real estate or interests therein of the said Washington Bank, and 
for no other purpose whatever. 

On April 19 the transfer of the real estate was voted and 
immediately executed, and the bank ceased finally to be a 
State institution. 

An exciting event in the liistory of the Washington Bank 
was the great Boston fire of November, 1872. The conflagra- 
tion extended northerly as far as the bank building, which at 
one time seemed doomed. The property of the bank was 
removed to the residences of the directors and the buildiny 



262 THE WASHINGTON BANK OF BOSTON. 

was mined ; but the fire was checked at this point and the 
bank remained unscathed. 

The next exciting event was the panic of 1873, which cuhui- 
nated in the autumn. So dangerous was the condition of the 
brokers that the Boston Stock Exchange closed on September 
20, and for ten days did no business. The Washington Bank, 
however, declared as usual on September 23 its semi-annual 
dividend — 5 per cent, and the taxes which amounted to 
81.80 per share — and had a surplus remaining of $274,363.79. 
On September 29, following the example of the banks in New 
York City, the Boston banks voted to suspend payments on 
large sums and to issue ten million dollars of Clearing House 
certificates, making it possible to continue business among 
themselves. These certificates were a temporary loan made 
to the members of the Clearing House Association for the 
purpose of settling the balances due from and to each other, 
the banks being required, before receiving the certificates, to 
deposit with the Clearing House Committee securities as col- 
lateral for the loan at 75 per cent, of their value. The sus- 
pension of payments continued until November 1. The 
effects of the panic were widespread, and half a dozen years 
passed before complete recovery was realized. 

While serving as president of the Washington Bank, father 
held for fifteen years the presidency of the Institution for Sav- 
ings in Roxbury and its Vicinity, being a member of the cor- 
poration during twenty-five years and a vice-president seven 
years. This institution, when he was first elected, had on 
deposit $175,000 ; when he left it, nearly three millions ; and 
in the meantime it paid dividends averaging seven per cent, 
per annum. Father's resignation as president was tendered 
at the end of 1877, and was caused by his giving up his legal 
residence in Roxbury. 

After the death of its second president, the bank, on Sep- 
tember 28, 1878, elected as its third president Mr. Eben 







EBEN BACON, 

Third President of the Washington Bank. 



THE WASHINGTON BANK OF BOSTON. 263 

Bacon wlio had already been a director for many years. Mr. 
Bacon continued in office until tlie end of 1895, when he re- 
signed, believing that the responsibilities of management were 
overtaxing his physical powers. He remained, however, on 
the board of directors so long as the bank existed. He was 
the son of Daniel Carpenter and Desire Taylor (Gorham) 
BacoU; was born in Brookline, Mass., 1830 or 1831, and died 
in Jamaica Plain, February 22, 1905. 

On February 6, 1890, the directors voted that interest 
might be paid on such deposits at such rates as the presi- 
dent might direct. This was a notable departure from the 
previous conservative methods of the bank. But customs 
were changing, there was much competiton for business, and 
the trust companies, which were growing numerous, all paid 
interest on deposits. 

On April 21, 1893, the president reported to the board of 
directors — which ratified his action — that he had voted, sul> 
ject to their approval, at a meeting qf the Clearing House 
Association, in favor of the following resolution which had 
been adopted, viz. : 

The Associated Banks of Boston, relying upon the ability and 
determination of the government to maintain gold pajnuents, 
hereby tender to the Secretary of the Treasury one-half of the 
gold reserves held by them, in exchange for legal tender notes, 
and the Clearing House Committee is directed to carry out the 
terms of this resolution. 

The financial disasters of 1893 did not seriously disturb 
the bank. In the latter part of June, the New York and the 
Boston banks issued Clearing House certificates and thereby 
lessened the severity of the situation. 

On July 23, 1896, the directors voted to exchange, for the 
relief of the United States Treasury, a sum not exceeding 
twenty thousand dollars in gold for legal tender notes at such 
time as might be decided upon by the Boston national banks 
in aid of the United States. 



264 THE WASHINGTON BANK OF BOSTON. 

On January 7, 1896, Mr. Christopher Minot Weld was 
elected as the fourth — and last — president of the bank. 
Mr. Weld was the son of Francis Minot and Elizabeth (Rod- 
man) Weld, was born in West Roxbury (now Boston) October 
2, 1858, and was graduated at Harvard College in 1880. He 
is now (1909) president of the New England Cotton Yarn 
Company, with headquarters in Boston. 

On January 20, 1902, the directors voted to call a special 
meeting of the shareholders on February 20, to consider 
whether or no the bank should be placed in voluntary liquida- 
tion. On January 23, the directors voted that a committee 
of three of their members should be authorized to transfer 
the assets and books of the bank to the National Suffolk Bank, 
provided the consent of two-thirds of the stockholders was 
given. On January 27, the committee reported that, having 
secured the assent of the requisite number of shareholders, 
the transfer had been made at the close of business on Satur- 
day, January 25. 

The special meeting of the stockholders was held on Feb- 
ruary 20, 1902, and 7,310 shares were represented. It was 
voted unanimously — 

That the Washington National Bank of Boston be placed in vol- 
untary liquidation under the provisions of sections 5220 and 5221 
of the United States revised statutes, to take effect at the close of 
business on February 20, 1902. 

That the action of the directors is ratified in heretofore transfer- 
ring the assets of the bank to the National Suffolk Bank for the 
purjiose of liquidation. 

The liquidation of the bank was due, not to any weakness 
in its financial condition, but to the methods of financing and 
controlling corporations which had their beginnings in the 
years following the period of the Civil War and had now 
become prevalent throughout the country. The era of large 
holdings and consolidation had arrived. Two parties, one 
represented by Mr. Arthur E. Applej^ard and the other by 



THE WASHINGTON BANK OF BOSTON. 265 

Mr. Robert Winsor of Kidder, Petibody & Company, had 
been purchasing hirge amounts of the bank stock and had 
secured control. Their purposes were discordant, but the 
views of Mr. Winsor finally prevailed, and the Washington 
National Bank and the Suffolk National Bank were merged 
under the name of the National Suffolk Bank. 

On April 30, 1906, the agents in liquidation presented their 
final report. By this it appeared that the assets of the bank 
at the close of business on January 25, 1902, including the 
bonds deposited to cover circulation, had an inventory value 
of 12,745,492.56. A few promissory notes of a total face 
value of '1757.37 had proved worthless, but on the whole 
there had been a gain over the inventory, due in part to inter- 
est receipts. All the actual assets had been converted into 
cash. The receipts had been '12,713,923.16 and balanced the 
disbursements which included seven dividends in liquidation 
amounting in all to -$150.60 per share. 

The board of directors received an^ accepted the report 
and the Washington Bank became a memory. 



THE RE-ESTABLISHED HOME 
IN ROXEURY. 




N Tuesday, December 17, 1850, father was mar- 
ried ill Fall River, Mass., to Jane Hudson, widow 
of Gustavus Leonard of Taunton, daughter of 
Dr. Ameiy and Ann Chaloner (Durfee) Glazier 
of Fall River, and granddaughter of Calvin and Lydia (Pierce) 
Glazier of South Brimfield (Holland), Mass. Doctor Glazier 
spelled liis Christian name as above, but his early preceptor 
spelled it " Emery " in the certificate here reproduced : 












--^^^24l^//n 







— 7 

CERTIFICATE OF DR. AMERY GLAZIER'S PRECEPTOR. 

Jane Hudson Glazier was doubtless descended from John 
Glazier, who was in Woburn, Mass., in 1663 or earlier, but 
the line has not been traced out. On her mother's side she 
belonged to the prominent and wealthy Borden and Durfee 
families of Rhode Island and Massachusetts, and counted 
among her ancestors William Bradford, pilgrim and governor 

(266) 




JANE HUDSON HODGES. 



THE RE-ESTABLISHED HOME IN ROXBURY. 267 

of Plymouth Plantation. She was born in Fall River July 3, 
1817, and died in Roxbury (then Boston) November 3, 1901. 
By her first husband she had one child, Jane Frances Leonard, 
who was born in Fall River August 15, 1841, and died of 
consumption in Roxbury December 31, 1862. By her second 
husband she had two children, both born in Roxbury, Amory 
Glazier Hodges and Edward Carroll Hodges. 

She had been carefully trained by her mother and her 
father, and had received an Old New England academic edu- 
cation, which included a good knowledge of English and 
some apprehension of Latin and French.* She was naturally 
bright and quick, and was most attractive in person and man- 
ners. She was indeed fair to see, but that somewhat over- 
rated artist, the sun, always failed in his endeavor to reproduce 
her handsome and mobile features on the photographic plate. 
It was easy and pleasant for her to manage her household 
and entertain her many guests, and she always found time 
for social pleasures and kindly deeds aivl for participation in 
matters affecting the common weal. She was conscientious 
and religious, and was a member of the Trinitarian Congre- 
gational church ; yet she was liberal in her ideas, and no 
difference in the theological beliefs of herself and her husband 
was ever allowed to interrupt the harmony of their lives. 

The scattered family was collected and the home on St. 
James Street, Roxbury, was re-opened, at once becoming a 
center of hospitality for youths and maidens and their elders, 
for relatives, friends and acquaintances. There was a con- 
stant succession of visitors, and before long the house could 
not hold them all and was therefore enlarged. But the home 
life, although generous, was simple, and was so well regulated 
that pleasure never conflicted with duty. 



* Her sister, Eliza Ann (Glazier) Fish, over^«lielmed the editor in his 
first year of Latin by replying in that ancient language to a rather vain- 
glorious epistle which he had sent her, displaying his callow Latinity. 



268 TPIE RE-ESTABLISHED HOME IN ROXBURY. 

The greatest attraction of the home was the new daughter, 
Jennie Leonard, as she was usually called. Of her sweetness 
and loveliness, both of person and of character, it is difficult 
for me to give an adequate description. She came, a girl 
of nine, into a household of six boys, ranging in age from 
nineteen down to four, and they all without exception fell 
heels over head in love with her ; she lived with them twelve 
years, and their love for her increased each year. It was the 
same with her step-father, and indeed with all who knew her. 
Her gentle dignity, her ready helpfulness, her warm-hearted- 
ness, her brightness and vivacity compelled universal admira- 
tion. She died at the age of twenty-one, leaving a beautiful 
memory. Her death broke the heart and the health of her 
devoted mother, who never was quite the same in strength 
thereafter. 

On May 18, 1852, the youngest member of the family, 
Francis Olney Hodges, passed out of the world. The child 
was endowed with great sweetness of disposition and remark- 
able mental ability. Going to school at the age of three, he 
quickly learned to read and write. Before his death, which 
occurred when he was six years and two days old, he was as 
far advanced in his studies as are the grammar-school gradu- 
ates of to-day. The cause of his death was an extraordinary 
sarcoma, or tumor, in his face, which grew to a length of 
eleven and a half inches from its point to the occiput. The 
patience and fortitude of the cliild under his suffering, which 
lasted some four months, was wonderful. 

Father's strong affection for liis kinspeople developed into 
a love for genealogy, and in 1852 he joined the New England 
Historic Genealogical Society, being made a life member in 
1859, and serving as president from 1859 to 1861. He was 
elected honorary or corresponding member of numerous other 
similar associations. In 1853 he published the Genealogical 
Record of the Hodges Family in New England, the compila- 
tion of which had required so much time that one might won- 



THE RE-ESTABLISHED HOME IX ROXBURY. 269 

der how so busy a man could find opportunity for the extra 
labor. But he was very methodical and could work hard and 
rapidly ; and thus he was able to perform the mau}^ business 
duties which devolved on liim, attend to the welfare and 
pleasure of his family, entertain almost constantly at his 
home, visit his friends now and then, and also devote fre- 
quent hours to reading and writing. That he was aided 
greatly by his wife, goes without saying. She knew how to 
direct her household with the maximum of comfort and the 
minimum of friction. Everything moved as if by clock-work, 
the daily tasks were performed at the allotted hours, and the 
servants were kept cheerful and contented. It was her pride 
to have an attractive home. When the children had grown 
in years and scattered, it was her delight to bring them to- 
gether under her roof at least once a year, and it became the 
custom for them all to gather at her house on Thanksgiving 
Day and be mothered again by her. The last time the whole 
surviving family were together was the Thanksgiving Day 
after her death, when they assembled at their old home, and 
the oldest brother read a paper written in her memory and in 
memory of the many happy years they had passed together. 

Father arose at six o'clock in the morning, prompt to the 
minute, and roused the sleepier members of the family. 
Breakfast was served at seven o'clock in the summer and at 
half-past seven in the winter. Then, until within three or 
four years of his death, he walked the three miles between 
his house and the bank, never riding except in the case of a 
violent storm. At three minutes before two o'clock in the 
afternoon he left the bank, caught the two o'clock street car 
and rode to Roxbury, where dinner was served at half-past 
two. Supper was at half-past six, after which father read 
prayers, and retired at ten o'clock unless prevented by some 
entertainment. 

In the fall of 1854 illuminating gas was put into the 
house, and the use of oil-lamps was discontinued. The next 



270 THE RE-ESTABLISHED HOME IN ROXBURY. 

spring the house was enlarged by the addition of an ell on 
the westerly side, and in 1859 an upper story and cupola 
were built over the main edifice. In May, 1860, the first 
sewing machine, Wheeler & Wilson's, was bought by father, 
"for $80, all comi^lete." 

The Journal entry of February 25, 1855, reads : " I weighed 
myself during the last week, and my weight was 180 pounds, 
which is about five or six pounds less than the average of the 
last six years, but was my average weight ten to fifteen years 
ago." 




FIRST OPEN CAR OF THE METROPOLITAN STREET RAILROAD. 

On Wednesday, September 17, 1856, the horse cars of the 
Metropolitan Street Railroad, between Roxbuiy and Boston, 
carried passengers for the first time. They ran on Washing- 
ton Street between Guild Row (Dudley Street) in Roxbury 
and Dover Street in Boston.* On September 22 they ran as 
far north as Boylston Street, and on October 17 as far as the 
Granary Burial Ground on Tremont Street, which was a ter- 



* Metropolitan Raitroad. This city road has been running one 
or two cars since Wednesday last, regularly from Dover Street, and oc- 
casionally from Boylston Market. The first trip was made in order to 
fulfill an invitation given to the city government of Roxbury; after this, 
one car was run during the daytime of the 17th, and over one thousand 
people were carried over the route with the use of only three pairs of 
horses. [Boston Traveller, Monday, Sept. 22, 1S56.] 



THE RE-ESTABLISHED HOME IN ROXBURY. 271 

minus for quite a period. The advent of the car meant the 
exit of the omnibus ; not at once, however, as there was an 
active competition for some years, the omnibus having its 
times of triumph in winter, when it coukl move easily on 
rumiers, while the heavy snow blockaded the cars. But the 
'bus was before long compelled to retire, and with it passed 
away the extreme sociability of its patrons during rush hours, 
when the heavier male passengers occupied the seats and held 
in their laps the lighter members of the other sex. 

November 4, 1856. "Presidential Election. I think [wrote 
father] this must be the most exciting presidential election this 
country has ever had. It certainly has been the most stirring 
one which I can remember, even more than that of Harrison 
in 1840. The presidential candidates were : John C. Fre- 
mont, who received 114 electoral votes ; Millard Fillmore, 8 
votes ; James Buchanan, 174 votes.* I voted with a good 
will for Fremont. Although I had been well satisfied with 
the administration of Fillmore, I preferred casting my ballot 
for Fremont who, if elected, I felt sure, would not be presi" 
dent of a party, but president of the United Statesf and more 
certain to take a firm stand for freedom and free speech ; and 
would resist the encroachments of the slave power and, with 
the party that elected him, would stand on the platform of no 
more slave territory." 

In 1852, father had voted "rather reluctantly" for General 
Winfield Scott who, after a long and hot contest, had received 
the nomination of the Whig party at its convention at Balti- 
more — a nomination " which causes much dissatisfaction in 



* These figures evidently were added at a later date. The popular 
vote for Fremont was 1,341,264, for Fillmore 874,534, and for Buchanan 
1,838,169. 

t The democratic leaders had raised the cry that the republican party 
was merely a sectional organization. It was in reply to this assertion 
that Charles Sumner declared in the Senate that "freedom, and not 
slavery, is national ; while slavery, and not freedom, is sectional." 



27!2 THE RE-ESTABLISHED HOME IN ROXBURY. 

the Whig ranks here." The final vote at the convention, on 
the 53(i ballot, was: Winfield Scott 158, Millard Fillmore 
122, and Daniel Webster 28. 

Father had been an anti-slavery. Union Whig. He was 
an admiier of Henry Clay and a great admirer of Daniel 
Webster ; but he was resolutely opposed to the Fugitive 
Slave law, and when he wrote, in the passage above quoted, 
that he was well satisfied with Fillmore's administration, he 
did not include approbation of the president's approval of tliis 
bill. Nevertheless, so strong Avas his law-abiding sense, after 
it had become a law of the land he was unwilling to resort to 
violence. He believed that its enforcement would result in 
an irresistible public opinion which would make the bill a 
dead letter and cause its repeal. So also with regard to slav- 
ery. Wliile he strongly condemned that institution, he real- 
ized the fact that slave-owners, being human, could not be 
expected to impoverish themselves by freeing their slaves, 
and he was willing to wait until the evil effects of slavery 
should bring about its peaceable termination ; for he was 
convinced that slavery was not only a moral evil but also a 
financial mistake which the whole South would ere long dis- 
cover, — as some Southerners had already discovered. He 
did not however propose to wait supinely, but would aid ac- 
tively with word, vote and purse. When the proper time 
came, he would contribute to purchasing the emancipation of 
the blacks if this could be arranged. Meanwhile, the Whig 
party having gone to pieces, he joined the Republicans. He 
worked and voted with them in the elections of 1856 and 
of 1860 and afterwards. 

Between 1850 and 1860, father made several pleasure trips 
with his wife and step-daughter through New England and 
the Middle States, once visiting the National Capital. In 
1855 he journeyed to "the western country," — Ohio, Illinois 
and Kentucky, — travelling in three weeks 2,345 miles by 



THE RE-ESTABLISHED HOME IN ROXBURY 273 

railroad, 1,237 miles by steamboat, and 70 miles by carriage — 
3,652 miles in all — seeing many pleasant places, undergoing 
many interesting experiences, meeting many friends who re- 
ceived him most hospitably, and incurring a personal expense 
of only about one hundred dollars. In 1859 he again went 
west, his main object being to visit his son Frederick, who 
was residing in Davenport, Iowa. He " was absent just one 
fortnight. Expenses, 96 dollars. Distances travelled : Bos- 
ton to Davenport, 1,221 miles ; Davenport to Cincinnati, 509 
miles ; Cincinnati to Philadelphia, 623 miles ; Philadelphia to 
New York, 90 miles ; New York to Boston, 236 miles ; total, 
2,679 miles." The amount of his expenses indicates, not the 
cost of travelling in those days, but the extent of hospitality 
with which he was received everywhere. At the end of each 
journey his Journal invariably records the fact that he had 
had " a most enjoyable trip." 

In 1857 he made a journey to Europe, a brief narrative of 
which is given in the following chapter. 




A DASH THROUGH EUROPE. 



j^N the Ocean, 1st to 12tli day. May 20, 1857, I 
left Boston at ten o'clock in the morning on the 
Steamer Europa, with about one hundred and 
fifty passengers on board. It rained and the 
wind from the northeast was blowing a gale. I sat behind 
the steam-pipe with two solitary-looking individuals nearly all 
day, took neither dinner nor tea, and retired early. The next 
morning there was a dense fog, and also a heavy sea. I tried 
to walk the deck, but found it difficult. The deck would go 
down faster than my boots were willing to follow ; then it 
would rise up so rapidly that my poor boots had to sustain a 
weight which I estimated at some four hundred pounds. I 
met several acquaintances, but nearly all of the passengers 
staid in their staterooms. 

We reached Halifax at seven o'clock in the morning of the 
tliird day and left at half-past eight, and sailed in a fog three 
days longer. During the voyage I arose four times very early 
in the morning to see the sunrise, but on account of heavy fogs 
I saw it only on the fourth trial, the day of arrival at Liver- 
pool, when the sun rose at three o'clock like a balloon of fire. 
After leaving Halifax the passengers began to emerge from 
their rooms, and by the sixth day all, or nearly all, of them 
were able to be on deck. Our principal amusements were 
playing shuffleboard in the daytime, and listening to the ex- 
cellent singing of the Misses [Louisa F. and Susan] Pyne and 
[William] Harrison [of the Pyne and Harrison English Opera 
Company] in the evening. Nearly every day the sailors en- 

* In eighty-five days. Condensed from the Journal of A. D. H. 

(274) 



A DASH THROUGH EUROPE. '275 

tertained us by performances in which some comical animal or 
personage always figured. On the Sunday mornings we hud 
the English Church service conducted by a young clergyman. 
On the twelfth day, having averaged about 255 miles per 
diem, we arrived off Liverpool at half-past four in the even- 
ing, and, after passing the custom-house examination, reached 
the wharf at seven o'clock. I went to the Adelphi hotel, and 
after securing a room, called on Mrs. B., to whom I had pre- 
viously forwarded my letter of introduction. 

13th day. Went by rail from Liverpool to Manchester, 
where I visited the Exhibition of the " Arts Treasures," a 
collection of the choicest gems of art in the kingdom, the 
Queen and many of the nobility and gentry lending their best 
pictures. This was a great treat. 

14th day. Left Manchester and went to Sheffield, where 
the people were having a fine time at a Fair, and every man, 
woman and child appeared to be happy. Delivered a letter 
of introduction, bought cutlery of Rogers & Sons, and went 
to London — a charming ride through * beautiful country. 

15th to 25th day. At London. Received many courtesies, 
including a succession of dinners, from the principal bankers 
and other persons here, to whom I had letters of introduction. 
Was dined very pleasantly one day by William Hodges, Esq., 
a prominent barrister, who was knighted by the Queen about 
1858.* He and I had become known to one another by corre- 
spondence when I was compiling the Hodges Genealogy. 

Visited the principal places of interest in and around this 
great city. At the Crystal Palace at Sydenham, a magical 
place, an audience of some ten thousand people listened to 
a concert of the Cologne Union, which is a society of fine 
sino-ers led by Von Weber, the son of the great composer. 
On^Sunday I went to the Surrey Gardens and for a slrilling 
obtained a good seat in Julien's great concert room, which is 
said to hold ten thousand people, and which was h Ued to its 

* The last words added later. 



27(5 A DASH THROUGH EUROPE. 

capacity. Here 1 lieard the famous Spiirgeon, who preached 
a sermon on " presumptuous sins " with much eloquence and 
great power. There Avas no outbreak of applause by the 
audience, only a low hum of approval from time to time. 
Through the kindness of the firm of George Peabody & Co., I 
was enabled to visit the different departments of the Bank of 
Kngland, and also of the London Post Office. Being pro- 
vided with tickets by our American Minister, Mr. Dallas, I 
visited the House of Lords and heard Lord Grey and Lord 
Palmerston speak. I visited also the House of Conunons. 
One day I saw the nobility and gentry riding and driving in 
Hyde Park. (^Mem. The private coachmen and footmen are 
the best dressed and the haridsomest men in England.) At 
the Ascot races I saw Queen Victoria and other members 
of the royal family. The great race-horse on the ground was 
Blink Bonny, who trotted around the course Avith no compet- 
itor and took the first prize. Tliis day it did not rain. 

26th and 27tli days. Went from London, on the steamer 
Baron Orsay, down the Thames and to Antwerp, where I 
saw many precious and rare works of painting and sculpture. 

28th day. Went from Antwerp to ))eautiful Brussels. 
Took the stage-coach to Waterloo, a two hours' ride. Walked 
over the battle-field, having as our guide the old English ser- 
geant, Martin Visner, who described with thrilling effect the 
taking and re-taking of the grounds of the Chateau Hougo- 
mont, and the bloody work on that day of battle. Returned 
in the afternoon to Brussels. 

29th day. In the afternoon, by rail to Chaude Fontaine, 
in the valley of the Vesdre, five miles from Liege. 

30th day. By rail from Chaude Fontaine thr(High Herbes- 
thal (where our passports were called for) and Aix-la-Chapelle 
to Cologne. 

31st day. From Cologne by steamer up the Rhine to Cas- 
tel, a most delightful and interesting trip, and thence by rail 
to Frankfort. 



A DASH THKOUGH El' ROPE. 277 

32(1 day. At the Hotel D'Angieterre, in Fraiikfoit, I made 
the acquaintance of Captain La Pistori of the Austrian army. 
As he was travelling alone and wished to improve his English, 
and I was desirous of the company of an agreeable person who 
knew the lands and the languages, and as we were mutually 
pleased with each other, the result of our meeting was tliat 
we travelled together until we reached Milan, in Ital}", where 
we parted with much regret. The captain ^n'oved to be a 
most charming companion. 

We went to-day from Frankfort by rail to Heidelberg, 
where we visited the celebrated Castle, and thence by rail to 
Baden Baden, where we arrived about six in the evening. 
After a stay of about two hours at this resort, during which 
we dined and visited tlie crowded gambling-rooms, we took 
the cars to Ilastatt, quite a large village with a very poor 
hotel. 

33d day. Leaving Ilastatt at eight o'clock in the morning, 
we went in the cars to Constatt and thence by carriage to 
Stuttgart. Thence we went by rail, via Ulm, to Friedrichs- 
hiifen on Lake Constance, where we arrived at ten o'clock at 
night. 

34th day. We took the steamer on Lake Constance to 
Constance, where we spent three hours devoted mainly to the 
memorials of John Huss. Thence we went by steamer to 
Schaffhausen where, taking a carriage, we visited the beauti- 
ful falls of the Rhine, and then proceeded by rail to Zurich, 
which we reached at nine o'clock in the evening, twelve houi's 
after leaving Friedrichshafen. 

35th day. Leaving Zurich at eight o'clock in the morning 
we traveled by steamer and then by diligence to Lake Zug, 
and then by omnibus to the foot of Mount Rigi. We began 
the ascent of the mountain at three in the afternoon, Captain 
La Pistori on foot and I on horseback. I had a guide, but as 
my horse made slow progress under his management, I soon re- 
quired him to mount the animal, which 7 then led, hastening its 



•278 A DASH THliOLTGH ELIROPE. 

movements by my imitation of the guide's ejaculations, which 
sounded something like a grunt followed by "gip-gip-" Thus 
I was enabled to keep up with the Captain, and also to amuse 
the people whom we met on the road. We reached the hotel 
on the summit about six o'clock and were fortunate enough to 
secure a room and two beds. Often the wayfarer is obliged 
to take a sofa, or a chair, or the floor ; for stop at this hotel 
he must, there being no other place to go to. And the hotel 
is poor and high-priced. 

We enjoyed the charming view in the evening, and the sun- 
set about nine o'clock, and the glorious prospect and sunrise 
the next morning, when we were awakened about half-past 
two by the Alpine horn. Very different was our experience 
from that described by a traveler in the following lines : — 

Nine weary uphill miles we sped 

The setting sun to see ; 
Sulky and grim he went to bed. 

Sulky and grim went we. 
Seven sleepless hours we tossed and then. 

The rising sun to see. 
Sulky and grim we rose again ; 

Sulk\' and grim rose he. 

36th day. After witnessing the sunrise with about a hun- 
dred others, we began the descent of the mountain on foot at 
five o'clock. It was a perfectly delightful walk of some ten 
miles, the weather was charming, the air very still, and all the 
way down we heard Swiss melodies sung from time to time 
by Swiss voices and echoed from point to point. Many years 
ago I lieard a Swiss company called the Rhiners sing the same 
beautiful airs, and the recollection added to the charm. 

We arrived at Weggis at half-past eight and took steamer 
on Lake Lucerne for Lucerne, where we dined. In the after- 
noon we went by rail to Berne, arriving at half-past nine in 
the evening. 

37th day. The views from Berne are wonderful ; some of 
my acquaintances assured me that this is the finest spot in 



A DASH THROUGH EUROPE. 279 

Europe. Our guide insisted on our watcliing the town clock 
when it struck six, as then a " crower " would appear. The 
Grower's head just managed to appear on the face of the 
clock, but he was so weak that he could not crow. It was 
explained that he was out of order. 

Starting at half-past seven in the morning we went by car- 
riage to Bienne, by steamer through Lakes Bienne and Neu- 
chatel to Yverdon, and by rail to Lausanne on Lake Geneva, 
arriving at half-past five in the afternoon. 

38th day. We went by steamer to Geneva where we hunted 
up the church where John Calvin preached, I bought a fine 
watch for Jennie [his step-daughter]. After dining and ar- 
ranging with the postmaster to have my large carpet-bag sent 
to the Hotel du Louvre in Paris, we took steamer to Vevay. 

39th day. We rode in the banquette of the diligence from 
Vevay to Bulle, where we dined, and thence to Gessenay, or 
Saanen as named on the maps. 

40th day. We traveled by diligence through Weissenburg 
to Thun, and thence by steamer on Lake Thun to Interlachen 
which is about the most charming place I have ever visited. 

41st day. We went by steamer through Lake Brienz to 
Commune, where we dined, and thence to Meiringen. Here 
we took horses and a guide and had a wonderful ride to a 
place near the Grimsel Pass, where we stoi)ped for the night 
at a hovel of a tavern. 

42d day. We started from the Mountain House near the 
Grimsel at five o'clock in the morning. The weather looked 
threatening and the clouds foreboded rain, but the Captain 
said that it would be a field-day with us, rain or shine. 
About seven o'clock it began to shower. I felt quite un- 
comfortable, the Captain looked blue but said nothing, and 
our guide, who was accustomed to this sort of weather, ap- 
peared quite unconcerned. After riding some time in silence 
and crossing some difficult places, the Captain's horse fell. 
The Captain was not much hurt, although at first he said that 



280 A DASH THROUGH EUROPE. 

he thought his " leg was cmckit." We moved on, I being in 
the advance. After having passed with difliculty througli tlie 
deep, softened snow of one ravine, and coming to another, I 
stopped my horse and suggested to the guide that we should 
cross at a point higher up. He, however, seized my horse's 
bridle and urged the animal forward ; but soon sank, Avith 
wild ejaculations, nearly out of sight, and my horse followed 
suit, the rain having washed out a cavity under the snow. I 
rolled off my beast and across the ravine in the best manner I 
could, getting very wet in the operation. Other guides com- 
ing up succeeded in pulling out my guide and my horse in 
undamaged condition. 

We traveled on through the pass where, in August, 1799, 
occurred one of the most remarkable skirmishes recorded in 
history. How the French troops were able to dislodge the 
opposing Austrians and force their way through this pass, is 
a wonder to the traveler who views the region, although his 
guide-book gives a full account of the fight. 

About the time we came in sight of the Rhone Glacier, the 
rain had nearly ceased. We both felt a great deal better and 
the thermometer of our spirits rose ; my companion began to 
whistle and I began to sing. We were in a merry mood when 
we reached the good St. Gothard Inn at Andermatt at half- 
past five in the afternoon. After a bath, a hearty supper and 
writing letters to my family, I went to bed and was able to 
sleep without rocking. 

43d day. We started in the afternoon at half-past two in 
the coupe of the diligence on a wonderful ride down the 
mountain. It was twilight the whole night long. My com- 
panion slept soundly, but the scenery was too delightful for 
me to waste any time in slumber. 

44th day. We passed Bellinzona about midnight, Luzano 
at four o'clock in the morning, beautiful Como and the lovely 
lake of the same name about seven, and reached Milan at half- 
past nine. Here after a very pleasant trip together of fourteen 



A DASH THROUGH EUROPE. 281 

days, Captain La Pistori and I parted company, this being the 
headquarters of his General of Division. 

I visited, besides other places in Milan, the Cathedral, the 
most beautiful of all which I saw in my journey. 

45th day. I left ]\Iilan at half-past seven in the morning, 
going by rail to Treviglio, and by diligence to Brescia; thence 
to Verona. Thence in the afternoon I passed by rail through 
Vicenza and Padua and reached Venice at half-past eight in 
the evening. Disembarking at the depot, I looked around for 
an omnibus, but saw none. A gondolier accosted me, and 
giving him the name of the hotel where I wished to go, I 
stepped into his pretty gondola and was poled away through 
the canals. Whenever we approached another canal entering 
ours, my gondolier sang out orders to the possible gondolier 
coming out of this canal, to keep to the right or left as the 
case might be. Often on passing the corner we found no 
such gondolier to receive these orders, and hence the proced- 
ure at first seemed funny to me ; but further experience 
showed that the cautionary words were always advisable. 

46th day. The Anniversary of American Independence, 
about the grandeur of which I endeavored to give my guide 
some idea, but he did not appear to comprehend the term 
" Independence." I felt strong impulses to utter one loud 
shout in honor of the day, but recollecting that I was in Aus- 
trian Italy, I refrained. 

I saw many interesting places, but that which I was espe- 
cially desirous of seeing, was the store and former residence 
of Shylock. This place was pointed out to me by my guide, 
and if it was not really used by Shylock, it looked as if it 
ought to have been ; for the building is now occupied as an 
auction-room for second-hand and cast-off clothing. 

47th day. Returned to Milan by the route which I took 
coming to Venice, seeing many wheat-fields and corn-fields, 
olive-groves and vineyards, and noticing especially the fre- 
quent irrigation-canals. 



282 A DASH THROUGH EUROPE. 

48tli day. Left jMilan in the morning in the diligence, hav- 
ing a seat in the banquette. When passing out of the city, a 
team of horses crossing the street struck our horses, knocking 
down the wheelers and throwing the postilion to the ground. 
No jDarticular damage was done and we soon continued our 
journey. Rode five hours by diligence and five hours by rail, 
passing through Novara, Vercelli, Santhia and Chivasso, and 
arriving at Turin at six in the evening. 

49th day. Left Turin on the train at seven o'clock in the 
evening and arrived at Susa at nine. Left here in the coupe 
of the diligence at half-past nine for Mont Cenis Pass. Be- 
fore we reached the summit it became intensely cold, and 
although the coupe was closed and I had on my top coat and 
dressing gown, I was quite uncomfortable. 

50th day. Arrived at St. Jean at nine in the morning. 
Took the train at a quarter-j)ast ten and arrived at Aix at 
quarter-past one. Took a steamer here and passed through 
the Lake du Bourget and the River Rhone, landing at half- 
past three. The voyage on this little lake and the ditch 
(called by courtesy a " river ") was the funniest steamboating 
which I ever experienced. The stream was so narrow that 
men, holding lines attached to our boat, ran along the banks 
hauling us around the bends. We had no mishaps, but at 
many places I saw deep furrows where the bows of the steam- 
boats had dug into the banks. Children ran alongside beg- 
ging for money an4 scrambling for the sous which the pas- 
sengers occasionally tossed into the grass. 

At our landing place we passed through a custom-house. 
My baggage was examined by a woman. Then, at Charabery, 
we took a train in the afternoon, and reached Lyons at seven. 

51st day. Leaving Lyons in the cars at eight o'clock in the 
morning, I reached Paris, 316 miles distant, at half past six 
in the evening. I stopped at the Hotel du Louvre, where I 
had a fine room, a fine bed, a clock upon the mantlepiece, and 
called the servants by an electric wire. 



A DASH THROUGH EUROPE. 283 

52d to 58th day. At Paris. With a guide, and with 
American friends whom I met here, I made the usual tours 
in and around this wonderful city, and my impressions of the 
place are probably much the same as those of other Americans 
who visit here. The Parisians appear to lead a butterfly-life, 
living as though the world was made merely for enjoyment, 
and having no thought of anything beyond. Although the 
numerous suicides in the Seine indicate another side to their 
life, this is but little apparent to the visitor except the pur- 
suit of pleasure. 

I was somewhat disappointed with the cemetery of Pere la 
Chaise which, on the whole, is inferior to Mount Auburn in 
Cambridge or Forest Hills in Roxbury. My guide told me 
that many of the floral decorations on the tombstones were 
made of ox-horns. But the Tomb of Napoleon, in the Hotel 
des Invalides, I found magnificent, and I viewed it with 
solemn admiration. I spent a day sTt Versailles, but to de- 
scribe the beauties of the palace, the grounds and the remark- 
able collections of paintings and other objects of interest, 
would require a volume. One evening I went to the Jardin 
Mabille, where Paris seemed to be fully represented. The 
dancing was very good and the music charming. On inquir- 
ing of my guide whether gentlemen brought their wives and 
daughters to this place, he replied, " Oui, moussieu, why 
not ? The finest and best people in Paris come here to see the 
dancing." 

With resident friends I visited the Bois de Boulogne, had 
dinner there and rode through the woods which were lighted 
with thousands of gaslights, presenting an enchanting appear- 
ance. There were several outdoor-theatres with continuous 
performances, having real trees and lawns for scenery and 
very charming in the effects. 

59th day. Left Paris by rail at a quarter to ten in the 
morning and readied Boulogne at half-past three in the after- 
noon. Here we showed our passports and obtained permis- 



284 A DASH THROUGH EUROPE. 

sion to leave France. We crossed the Channel, in two hours, 
to Folkestone, and reached London at a quarter before ten at 
night. 

60th to 6 2d day. At London. I spent three days in 
London quite busily, during which time I visited Hampton 
Court Palace where I enjoyed more especially the picture 
gallery. 

63d day. Leaving London at eight in the morning, I went 
to Windsor and attended a " choral festival " in aid of the 
" Society for the Relief of Widows and Orphans of Organists 
and of Lay Clerks of Cathedral and Collegiate Choirs." The 
concert was very small potatoes, and I left before it was half 
finished and went through the Castle. At quarter-past two I 
took the train for Oxford, arriving at four and going to the 
Mitre Hotel. An election for Parliament was being held, 
and there was great excitement in which I shared to some 
extent, for one candidate — and liis headquarters were at 
the Mitre — was William Makepeace Thackeray. He was, 
however, defeated by his opponent, Mr. Cardwell, by a few 
votes. 

64th day. Took the train at quarter-past eight in the morn- 
ing and arrived at Birmingham at eleven. My letter of intro- 
duction in this city was to a leading manufacturer, a member 
of Parliament, but I did not see him as he was very sick. 
(He died on the 29th.) Left Birmingham about noon for 
Liverpool and thence went by steamer to Dublin. 

65th day. Arrived in Dublin at half-past seven in the 
morning. Hired a " jaunting car " and rode about the city 
until noon. Went by train to Belfast and there, after a brief 
stay, took steamer for Glasgow. 

66th day. Arrived at Greenock at four in the morning 
and went by rail to Glasgow. Thence, after a pleasant trip 
on the Clyde, took the train to Balloch. By steamer I 
passed through the whole length of Loch Lomond, and then 
rode to Inverary. 



A DASH THROUGH EUROPE. 285 

No part of the world, except New England, could be so 
interesting to me as this neighborhood which the genius of 
Walter Scott has filled with beauty and romance. 

At the hotel at Inverary were some young rowdies who 
seemed determined to disturb somebody, and who became 
very anxious, when I had retired, to obtain my boots to brush. 
After they had called me to my bedroom-door several times 
with this pretext, I gave them a hearty invitation to walk in 
and take the boots. They declined the invitation, and I was 
not annoyed again. 

67th and 68th days. Returned by stage to the head of 
Loch Lomond and took the steamer to Inversnaid. Thence 
went by private carriage to Loch Katrine and sailed on the 
steamer Roh Roy to the Trossachs hotel. Every mile or so 
some spot was pointed out which Walter Scott has made 
famous. After dinner I took the stage to Stirling, where I 
spent the next day, Sunday. • 

69th day. Went by rail in the morning to Edinburgh, the 
most beautiful city which I have yet visited, and spent the 
day sight-seeing. 

70th day. Went to Carlisle and walked about the city; 
then proceeded to Manchester, where I arrived at eight 
o'clock in the evening. I took a cab and went to three 
places before I could find lodgings. I finally stopped at a 
private house, where I was kindly received and pleasantly 
entertained. 

71st day. I again visited the Exhibition of " The Arts 
Treasures " and tried hard to view all the beautiful pictures, 
but failed for want of time. It seems to me that no country 
except England could contain such a magnificent collection 
of paintings and statuary; and probably this is the finest 
exhibition of the kind ever held. 

In the evening I went to Liverpool. 

7 2d day. Except for doing some shopping, I rested in 
quiet this day for the first time since I left home. 



286 A DASH THROUGH EUKOPE. 

73d day. I visited the ancient town of Chester and walked 
on the okl walls around the town. Returned in the after- 
noon to Liverpool, and made several calls in the evening. 

74th to 86th day. On the ocean. At noon, Saturday, 
August 1, I went on board of the steamer Canada, Captain 
Shannon, which got under way at half-fjast four. There were 
in all one hundred and thirty passengers, among them Miss 
Hosmer, the sculptress, the Bishop of Kentucky, and several 
friends of mine. On Thursday, August 13, at four o'clock in 
the morning, I landed at the wharf in East Boston. And 
although I have had a most pleasant journey and seen many 
wonderful things, yet the toil of sight-seeing has been very 
great, and the happiest day of the whole trip is this day — the 
day on which I arrive home. 

I have been absent eighty-five days, passed in the different 
countries about as follows : — 

24 days in England, 9 days in France, 

4 " " Belginm, . 1 " " Ireland, 
4 " " Germany, 4 " " Scotland, 

10 " " Switzerland, 23 " on the Atlantic Ocean. 
6 " " Italy, 

Switzerland and Scotland were to me the most interesting 
and beautiful. 

And I have travelled the following distances : — 

From Boston to Halifax by steamer, 

" Halifax to Liverpool " 

" Liverjiool to London by Northern Eailroad, 
In London and environs, not less than 
From London to Ascot and back, 

" " to Antwerp by steamer, 

" Antwerp to Brussels by railroad, 

" Brussels to Waterloo and back by stage, 

" " to Cologne by railroad, 

" Cologne to Mayence by steamer on the Khine, 

*' Mayence (or Castel) to Frankfort by railroad, 

" Frankfort to Heidelberg by railroad, 



368 miles 


2,440 




230 




100 




56 




210 




26 




28 




149 




127 




27 




54 





A DASH THROUGH EUROPE. 287 

From Heidelberg to Baden Baden, 46 miles. 
" Baden Baden to Friedrichsliafen, principally by 

railroad, 140 " 
" Friedriclishafen to Zurich by steamer and rail- 
road, 1-20 " 
" Zurich to toj^ of Mt. Eigi by steamer and horse- 
back, 35 " 
" Top of Mt. Eigi to Weggis on foot, 10 " 
" Weggis to Berne by steamer and railroad, 100 " 
" Berne to Lausanne by steamer and railroad, 120 " 
" Lausanne to Geneva, thence to Yevay by steamer, 100 " 
" Vevay to Saanen by diligence, 45 " 
" Saanen to Interlachen by diligence and steamer, 50 " 
" Interlachen to the Grimsel by steamer and horse- 
back, 50 " 
" The Grimsel to Andermatt by horseback, 20 " 
" Andermatt to Lake Como by diligence, 110 " 
" Como to Milan by railroad, 28 " 
" Milan to Venice and back by diligence and rail- 
road, 320 " 
" Milan to Turin by diligence and railroad, 90 " 
" Turin to Susa by railroad, 35 " 
" Susa to Lyons over the Alps by diligence, steamer 

and railroad, 190 " 

" Lyons to Paris by railroad, 316 " 

" Paris to Boulogne by railroad, 170 " 

" Boulogne to Folkestone by steamer, 30 " 

" Folkestone to London by railroad, 50 " 

" London to Hampton Court and back by railroad, 24 " 

" London to Liverpool via Windsor, Oxford, etc., 230 " 

" Livei'pool to Dublin by steamer, 138 " 

" Dubhn to Belfast by railroad, 113 " 

" Belfast to Glasgow by steamer, 129 " 

" Glasgow to Balloch, by steamer and railroad, 20 " 

" Balloch to upper end of Loch Lomond by steamer, 10 " 
" Upper end of Loch Lomond to Inversnaid by 

steamer, 5 " 

" Inversnaid to Loch Katrine by coach, 5 " 

Through Loch Katrine to the Trossachs, 5 " 

From Trossachs to Stirling by stage, 27 " 

" Stirling to Edinburgh by railroad, 36 " 



101 


miles 


90 


u 


31 


u 


32 


u 


20 


(( 


2,808 


u 



288 A DASH THROUGH EUROPE. 

From Edinburgh to Carlisle by railroad, 
" Carlisle to Preston by railroad, 
" Preston to Manchester by railroad, 
" Manchester to Liverpool by railroad, 
" Liverpool to Chester and back, 
" Liverpool to Halifax and Boston by steamer, 

The whole distance travelled in 85 days, about 9,820 

Averaging about 116 miles per day. 

The cost of my journey was : 

My individual expenses (about S7.83 per diem), S665 CO 
Cost of presents bought, 218 12 

Total, ^883 72 




A. D. HODGES, 



Chief of Squadron Roxbury Horse Guards. 




THE CIVIL WAR PERIOD. 



Y father, like most Republicans at the North, for a 
long time was unwilling to believe that the South- 
ern States would secede and take up arms. He 
could see no possible justification or sense in such 
a procedure. None of their constitutional rights had been 
infringed by the decision of the people, expressed at a fair 
election, that slavery should be restricted within its existing 
bounds, which was the policy of the makers of the Constitu- 
tion; and in an armed contest the Soutli was plainly no match 
for the richer and more populous North. But when it be- 
came evident that either slavery must be extended or seces- 
sion permitted, or the Union maintained by force, there was 
no hesitancy on his part as to what ought to be done. As he 
saw it, the extension of slavery was an unpermissible crime 
and peaceable disunion a geographical and military impossibil- 
ity. Hence it was the plain duty of the national executive to 
compel the South to obey the laws of the land at whatever 
cost. 

He was strongly opposed to war, not only on account of the 
waste of blood and money, but also because of the other ter- 
rible evils which it necessarily engendered. He had no hal- 
lucinations that the contest would be ended in ninety days or 
in any other brief period, as was fondly imagined by many in 
the beginning. But if war must come, it was better that it 
should come at once and so be ended as soon as possible. 

Had he been of military age, he surely would have entered 
the army, having superabundant loyalty in his heart and 
fighting blood in his veins. Being debarred by his years he 
contributed lavishly of his time and his money for the pres- 

(289) 



290 THE CIVIL WAR PERIOD. 

erviition of the Union, cutting down his personal expenses 
that he might have more to give to the government. I re- 
member the evening when he smoked his last cigar — it was 
just after Sumter had been fired on. It was not right, he 
said, for him to indulge in luxuries when his country was in 
need ; and he never smoked again. 

Fort Sumter was fired on by the Southern batteries on 
April 12, 1861, and three days later the people of the North 
read in their morning papers the call of President Lincoln for 
75,000 militia to suppress combinations obstructing the exe- 
cution of the laws in seven of the Southern States. On April 
20, father met with other gentlemen of Roxbury for the pur- 
pose of forming a military organization which should co-oper- 
ate with the government and aid in raising and equipping 
troops. Six days later the Roxbury Horse Guards — named 
in memory of the Providence Horse Guards — with 40 men 
in line, were being drilled by father in cavalry tactics. Soon 
the ranks were filled to the maximum. During the six months 
of 1861, May to October, when out-of-doors exercises were 
possible, the Guards drilled 37 times in 26 weeks, and held 
46 meetings in all during the season. 

The organization contained many of the most influential 
citizens of Roxbury, and performed most useful work during 
the war. In the ranks were men too old for active service, 
yet they drilled strenuously, rode valiantly in parades, and did 
all that was possible for them to do in aid of the national 
cause. There were others of lesser years who here received 
their first instruction in military tactics and afterwards won 
laurels on the battle field. That Roxbury's quota was filled 
whenever a call came for volunteers, was due in great part to 
the efforts of this association. Company after company was 
raised, uniformed, transported to camp and provisioned. One 
of them. Company B of the 39th Massachusetts Infantry, was 
named the Hodges Light Guard in grateful honor of the com- 
mander of the Horse Guards. The families of the volunteers 




A. D. HODGES, 

Chief of Squadron. Roxbury Horse Guards, 



THE CIVIL WAR PERIOD. 291 

were cared for, the feeble were helped, the sick were nursed, 
the dead were buried. In all possible ways the soldiers were 
honored and befriended, — before they left home, while they 
were absent, and when they returned. 

So long as the Horse Guards remained an independent 
organization " Colonel " Hodges held the command with the 
title of Chief of Squadron, and devoted an immense amount 
of time and energy — and not a little money — to the perform- 
ance of his duties. In the fall of 1864 the company became 
incorporated in the State militia, and then father resigned, 
thinking that he had done his share and preferring that a 
younger man should have his place. The organization is 
still active as Company D of the First Battalion of Cavalry, 
M. V. M. 

There were several other associations of " home guards " in 
Roxbury during the war. The school boys also formed mili- 
tary companies, and the children too small to handle muskets 
wielded nimble and efficient drumsticks. All these frequently 
united in processions wliich paraded through the streets, 
drumming up recruits and performing escort duty for the 
volunteers who were going into camp or starting for the front, 
or perhaps being carried to their graves. It is a common oc- 
currence with processions that the actual time of beginning 
to move is delayed long after the hour designated. The 
delay is generally unnecessary and always tiresome to those 
who are promptly on hand. Father had a decided opinion on 
this point, and when in the course of time it came about at 
the preliminary meeting that he was chosen Chief Marshal, he 
announced that the procession would start exactly at the time 
decided upon, " even if no one is on hand except the Chief 
Marshal and the band." Accordingly, when the parade was 
held, the marshal waved his baton on the minute, the band 
struck up, and the procession moved, although several com- 
panies had not arrived, orders being left for these to fall in 
at the rear of the procession when they caught up with it. 



292 



THE CIVIL WAR PERIOD. 



After that, despite a little growling by the belated, father was 
elected Chief Marshal on each succeeding occasion, so long as 
he could be induced to accept ; and on each occasion the pro- 
cession started on time. 

Those four years of intense excitement were also years of 
sorrow in our family. Father had seven sons. The oldest 

To all whom it may concern: 2y JcU^^^^ 

No ^.^./^ frpljosl P^s^'s ^.^ ^^ 

linoro Se, Thai the hearers, iC^.....<^^^^;^if5??Z^^^ 

(^^:dC^r<'.<^, haw permission to pas^ ovetfany hn^e or feryy to Virginia, 



and within the lines, and back, for the purpose of ^jC£i^^;6^0^:\J'.J^^.. 
being subject to the inspection of guards or patrols. ^^ 

commaod of A. Pouter, Brig. Oen. TJ. S. A., Provoat Marslial. 






In availing myself of the benefits of the above pass, I do aolenmly aiBnn that I am a tnie and loyal citizen 
of the United States ; and that I -will not give aid, comfort, or information to the enemies of tho United States 
GovcmmcDt in any manner whatsoever. 



[This PasB tv b« (Akeo up at its oxiiimtioD.] 

A MILITARY PASS OF THE CIVIL WAR. 



volunteered and was rejected by the surgeons on account of a 
weak heart. The next four were in the service of the United 
States. The two youngest were but children, yet they were 
always in evidence whenever there was escort duty to be 
done, — a duty not without its woes ; for there was a rough 
" copperhead " element in certain parts of the city, which tried 
to intimidate, with yells or even brickbats, the smaller mem- 
bers of the processions when they marched through their 
haunts. 



THE CIVIL WAR PERIOD. 293 

The first son to enlist was George Foster Hodges. Six days 
after the first call for troops he left the State with the Fifth 
Massachusetts Infantry, marching in the ranks of the Charles- 
town City Guards. He was soon promoted to be lieutenant 
and paymaster of the regiment. He fought at the first battle 
of Bull Run, carried his wounded and helpless colonel off the 
field, and for his gallant conduct was presented with a sword. 
Returning in July, at the expiration of his term of service, in 
less than a month he went out a second time, as Adjutant of 
the Eighteenth Massachusetts. The following January, while 
Avith his regiment at Camp Barnes, Hall's Hill, Alexandria, 
Virginia, he was stricken with typhoid fever. His father and 
eldest brother hastened to him and found him very sick and 
delirious. On January 31, 1862, he was awarded the Great 
Promotion. 

In Ills memory these lines, written by Miss Cora Kennedy, 
were printed in the Boston Evening Traveller : — 

Oh, glorious life that hath so soon its ending. 

And bright young heart now stilled forevermore ; 

Beneath the heavy stroke of anguish bending, 
My God, thy grace and pity we implore. 

Sadly we kneel, so sorrowing and lonely, 

Wearily weeping till our eyes grow dim ; 
Thy comfort, Lord, and thy compassion only 

Can soothe our hearts that throb with thoughts of him. 

So young, so strong, so full of noble daring, 

And crowned with lionors from the battle-field ; 

Each want and toil and fearful danger sharing. 
Till death, relentless, his departure sealed. 

Weep for the brave who knew not how to falter 

When war's stern summons armed each manly band. 

And raise within your hearts a sacred altar 
To him who died to save his ruined land. 

The hours of earthly pain and woe are over. 
Though life for him had scarcely yet begun ; 

And holy ties around his memory hover. 
The true, true hero, — and the patriot son. 






H 
O 

H5 



^ 




COMMISSION OF GEORGE FOSTER HODGES, 
Paymaster, 5th Mass. Infantry. 



(294) 



HIS SXCELLENOT 

JOHN A. ANDREW, 

GOVERNOR A.Nr> COMM^NDER-Iisr-CHIEF 

OF TBB 



uuffd ana iiie au/i/iiefM4>^ 0/ tjumt^eciton^" umom £Hce wi^ ve "aa€~- 
jtect ^ Cw /au^ ana i^^^l^Uum'J a^veiniTt^ iAe (2'6imu e^ {ne^ 
'^ilnifa/ <3r(a4ed," a/n</ ot-aam'za^ vn ine mannet iet fiiUn m a 
^^•MMa/ <^u/et t^Hta/ ^ tne ^^at ^S^taUment, an</ i/a/a/ tKe' 
// «^ ^ G^, G^. ^. /§^^. ^ «■<&/ rf«i/ '^^meuJ 

am^ ina ^fimTru^tccmea C^JYic^^ m eacn SoTn/tafi^ ais "(0 he appointed 

by the Gotentot of the State" t^ ufmcn Cne tia?ne ate jfitnM^^, ano 

eaed ^^eaim^Tt^ m Q/n£initv u <o a!7ui6l of ten TSom/iame<i, c^ 

Hie tnaximum dtze c^ one numatea a^ one^ (^j^U ana /ttt^a/es. 

5nb SSbtltHS, ^de ^^edu/en^ «4^ aut^oiixeJ am/ ieguite</ tue ^ommonmea/m' 

of G/^a/Mti>4aaet^ to £elniin cet^^i^ ^^-Aotment.) oMaTtieea at a£>teiaia, to Mtve «►' 

a(e '^^o^imteet G^{i£(am (^otes e/ tde '^UniteJ C^taiei. rfa<^«af to t^e £iui^ am/ te^u£i-- 

ticmi aoveim'^a i^ aimu t^eteo/, £>t t^e tetm c/ tAtee veau, anu^ii •lotmet Obic^t^^. 

lotD, ijmfct, of, JOHN A. ANDREW, '^ovetm^t 0/ t^e 'i§om7wn«>eaM' 

e/ 0£i^Me&b)efti , /uitMomt to, i& Q^(a&me^ aitj &Sul^ a^t^aiJ in me veilS: 



e/t&: MASSACHUSETTS VOlUnTEERS, caMe/ ^t am/ er^TuacJ 04 a^t^au/. '^oa u>iM 
t^eie/!>te, uiit^ ^onot aTu/ fi/e£^ c/uie^at^ t^ </iUiej o^ Mzit/ ojj^ice. Gvnd att on^i>tiof> 
c^-oetJ anc/ M/</ietJ aie deieA^ a>mmant/eJ to o^ey ^ in. j^ut i<u(e c<Yiaci^J^ ; and ^a 
tai^voutae^ o£>eive am/ j£?//oui <i(ic^ otJet-) an^/ injiui<:tion4 as y^u jAaie, ^tcm tcjm/ 
to i&ne, teceive-Aom t& ^e^ic/enl 1^ t^ '%niie</ (^(ate^, ot ot&tj, ^t 6,^etM^ 



'^Um iind» my 4a^. a^J t4, l^ai/ </ l^t 'Som^yuwx/U, I&. ■/ii:2:ZtilZ^ liijf <^ 

^>»t>i >» <^' y^> t/a" Site/ mi UixuanJ t<f/t ^uttJitJ anJ KHyme. am/ in 1^ 



^<Ct»*-«^ 






COMMISSION OF GEORGE FOSTER HODGES, 
First Lieutenant, 18th Mass. Infantry. 

(295) 



296 THE CIVIL WAR PERIOD. 

In August, 1862, William Townsend Hodges volunteered 
and was made First Lieutenant of Company C, Forty-first 
Massachusetts Infantry, afterwards the Third Massachusetts 
Cavalry. He was one of the best swordsmen and riders in the 
volunteer army. He served with his regiment in Louisiana 
and was in all the figfhts. He Avas one of the noted Forlorn 
Hope, at the siege of Port Hudson, whose members were 
promised medals by the commanding General, but Congress 
has never redeemed the promise. He became Captain, and 
was afterwards transferred to the Fourth Massachusetts Cav- 
alry, and served in Virginia. He was one of the 78 Massa- 
chusetts horsemen — 11 officers and 67 men — who, on April 
6, 1865, at High Bridge, Virginia, dashed against Rosser's 
division of cavalry, killed or disabled more than a hundred 
of their foes, and, by sacrificing themselves, delayed Lee's 
retreating army and hastened the end of the war. Thrice, 
each time with thinned ranks, this little company charged the 
enemy; on the last charge Captain Hodges was killed.* He 
was stripped of his clothes and buried on the battle-field, but 
his body was recovered and sent home. In his uniform were 
his vouchers, the loss of which compelled the red-taped Treas- 
ury officials to refuse to pay his wages as they were unable to 
settle his accounts without them. 

The next son, Frederick S. Hodges was Lieutenant of an 
Iowa cavalry company which was raised to repel a Confeder- 
ate raid. Later he served in the U. S. gunboat Daylight, 
whose captain, by his dare-devil evolutions before Fort 
Fisher, in 1863, several times gave rise to reports that the 
vessel and crew had been blown up, causing periods of dis- 
tress in our family until the reports were found to be false. 



* Several accounts of this fight have been published : as in the Ded- 
hani, Mass., Transcript of March 22, 1890 ; the New England Magazine 
of July, 1891 ; and the Civil War Papers of the Massachusetts Com- 
mandery of the Loyal Legion (1900) ii : 403. 




GEORGE FOSTER HODGES, 
Adjutant 18th Mass. Inf. 



WILLIAM TOWNSEND HODGES, 
Captain 4th Mass. Cav. 



HIS EXOELLENOT 



JOHN A. ANDEEW, 

GOYERNOR AND COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF 

OP TOS 

<^o ^^..^ JTA/^^ e/tf2^^ -- ^ (^-^' ^.^y^, 

W^XXn^, oft ^ /,t,yt^J/y a J£au. c/ t/^o' 
'^iinttca (3/(a{ea of Qzmetica, enactee^ en tne iuieTUa^ 

Q^t to OM^HOttze tAe em/t£>ymini e/ '^cuinteeU io aid' 



•^ ^^J^^-.f^^^t^C:^^\-j2^ ^^.SL^aij Data G-Zc^, ifnatt ccmmMaion tne &'ieu/ aiS 
* --^ — <Svia^ anJ ^om/uiTm ^J^iccU teaiMiie <£>!■ e4e mu<^ 

^o^7iieetd. 

^Hb ^btrtas, ^% ^le^iJent ^cui auf'notucea ana feauitea tue ^omvumuicaaA e^ 
Q^^a/jac^ttdell,) (o /utniii/i cctiacn J^^imeni:} ot'Oamaea a^ a/otiJoiJ, unc/et ar^ 
acccti&niT to tAe /itov^coiul c/ aaia &tct, to aetve v>i tde '^t^oMTiteez Q'futkatv Q^otce^ 
c/ i^e ^nifec/ (Stated, <ia^ect to tne tamd ana teaufa^icn^ aevetninjf tue atmu. tA.eteoA 
Alt t^ tetm c/ iMce veat^, unMd Docnei duicnaMS. 

^Ofo, Cl^Cnftre, cS^JOHN a. ANDREW, ^^vetn^c/t^e ^SommonmeaM 
of G'/la/joc^ii-iett^ , /lauuant to t^e Q^t^tifu anc^ {Slufy a^!-e<)aij tk me vettS, 
<& neteeii ati/ioini yon Cy'c^r-*^ Q^Le«c/^4irt<a-c<.^ t<Z. ^^6^ ^n^ v^f^'-cA ^tLyi,utA..eM^ 



c/ t^ MASSACHUSETTS VOLUNTEERS, caMt/ ^ anJ ot^niaec/ a^ ajoudait^. ^oa u>iM 
tdele/oie, u'itd donot an<^ fi^/ity. c&jc^ai^e tde <24/W e^ aau^ of^fiee. &^ off ^feuofi 
c&ceu aTiJ Ao/c/ieu ate ^le^^ comman(^c^ to o/e^ ^^M in yoat aau/ ea/iacct^ y otu/ ^out 
wi/^ voatae^ o£ietve anJ ioffifut aac^ clc^M anJ imttactioju aJ ^a a^atf,^totn time/ 
to ti»ie. tecen-e /torn t^ ^leaiJmt o/ t^ ^UnUec^ ^tale^, ot ol^eu, ^ut M/tetioi^ 

<&v^ anJc my ^ar.d. and d, <«^//<i& '^ommo^u^Jil t^ «^ ^ a^ 

/ tA^^^Zl^U^ ^^.^„e/<.. ^,y<.».^<— ^^'('-•^"'^'^-^-^■^^ ,W,W/^ 

^y S&> Srceiiituy '^' ^ctf^iot. 

COMMISSION OF WILLIAM TOWNSEND HODGES, 
First Lieutenant, 41st Mass. infantry. 

(297) 



HIS EXCELLKNCT 

JOHN A. ANDEEW, 

GOVERNOK AND COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF 

OF THB 

C0intn0nlueaUJ of Passacjusetts, 




trCaS, oft u /.untJeJ /j a /aiv c/ tls/ 
'^/>hUc/ Q//a/cJ (>/ Gimettca, enaciec^ on me iwenlu- 
de<^7iJ c/a>f (/ Ju/'j^, (S/ ^. /S*^/. en(^/u/ '■&€«/ 
G'Ccl <e aulnouse ific cm/iffiument of '^c^etunteeu ie aii^ 
in cn/oJctTm me utir>J a7ia /tu>/^>cten^ /tufiuc /tto/teiiu,'' 
tna( tne ^oi'etnt>t<l cf &Ya<ed /utniiifyn^ '^tfMnteet-3 

G/faj^ ana x3om/ianja Cyfficet4 teguHi^e £/i'iAe daia' 
^^o/an/celd. 

^nb ^SbtmS, ^% jSieJu^enl ntM autfioUiCd and te^nitid /ne vemnwnweallu <^?5 
(2vCa£acfiaJcit<i to /Mnt^A eetiain J:^e-a(me}t/,i otaani,ca a<i a/oieJata, undf-i and nca?u&ng 
fo <ne /itovi^urm o/ daia (2'€cf, io ^eti'e in fnc "thi^in^eet G/u'iiatu /^<v c/ me '^Uni/t& 
(^<fate:), da&c( to me /aiM ana ieiaula/ianil iMvctntna I fie atmu /4eie^/, £/i me teinf 
^ miee weau, unfe/J ae^net cU<ieuata<S. 

^Ottt, C^errfOre, of, JOHN a. ANDREW, '^cvetnel cfdc^emmon,i»!a/'t4' 
c/ G/ui^acAtbiel^ , //iiUaan/ -fo ^fie Q't<tl/iou(u and S3)ii^n ajk'ejata in me fej/ea, ai> 



r/ t^-e MASSACHDSETira VOLimTEERS, eaffeJ ^t ant/ ctaajiixee/ ' al a/cieJaii/. ^m wiM 
meu&le, tm<A npnot a^ta udeu/M dueuas^e ific mtticj t>/ jaid e/fice. G€na aft ii^tioi^ 
Ojm^-eM <tma ^u/tetJ-ote n^ieim eommanaea /i> oven noii- in notU daid eaAacfiy ; ana wit^ 
wia noicueff o^et^ and jfynoif dacn olaeu ana in-iltiic/ioni at you dnaff, /wm time fff 
O'me, teceive ^m tue ^aeju/etii <hf (ne '^/nitea Gria/cJ, ' e>e otucu, neat nii/ieiiot o^ieeiJ^ 



,y //, <^o. 



cMcldaly of a, <^^ 



aM 



COMMISSION OF WILLIAM TOWNSEND HODGES, 
Captain 4th Mass. Cavalry. 



^( 298 ) 




COMMISSION OF ALMON DANFORTH HODGES, 
Second Lieutenant, 42d Mass. Infantry. 



JR., 



(299 ) 



300 THE CIVIL WAR PERIOD. 

The fourth volunteer was private, in 1862 to 1863, in a 
nine-months regiment, and at the end of his service was 
brought home so sick with typhoid fever that his life was de- 
spaired of. But he recovered and in 1864 served as Lieutenant 
in a hundred-days regiment. Then he was offered and ac- 
cepted the position of First Lieutenant in a special cavalry 
corps which was to be called the President's Body Guard, 
and was designed to act particularly against the guerillas 
operating in Virginia in the neighborhood of the District of 
Columbia. As Congress did not see fit to authorize the 
formation of this corps, the project never materialized. 

During these strenuous years my oldest brother married, 
and in due time a cliild was born. The event occurred in 
the forenoon, while father was in the bank, but he was at 
once notified. The coming of his first grandchild was a joy 
to him and a matter of pride, a fact to be communicated 
to his neighbors, — and he had his own way of making this 
communication. At the close of business he went home to 
Roxbury as usual. On alighting from the street car at the 
foot of St. James Street, he placed a large piece of white 
paper in the band of his silk hat, at the front ; and then with 
head erect, but turning to the houses along the way to greet 
any faces at the windows, he walked proudly up the hill to 
his house. On the paper in his hat was inscribed in large 
letters one word : ghandpa. 




THE FINAL YEARS. 



FTER the Civil War the family life, M'hich had 
beeu darkened by three deaths, by sickness and 
by anxiety, grew brighter, the youngest sons 
being dominant factors in the situation. 

There were again, as of old, musical parties and amateur 
theatricals and exchanges of visits. There were pleasure 
journeys now and then. Father continued to visit the old 
school in Norton, giving prizes, making short addresses and 
reciting old-time " pieces " in the old-time style, and carrying 
little gifts to his old acquaintances. He wrote out his recol- 
lections of the Dorr War in Rhode Island, and read them 
before the Historic Genealogical Society. He contributed 
reminiscences to the newspapers in Providence, Boston and 
New York. He collected the children of his neighborhood 
and gave them little treats. He was always doing something 
pleasant and useful. 

In January, 1867, he had an experience which for a person 
of his age was somewhat strenuous. He had been to a wed- 
ding in Fall River and started back by rail early in the morn- 
ing of the 17th. A snowstorm was then in progress which 
increased in violence until it became the most furious one 
within his memory. The train managed to crawl to the 
neighborhood of North Easton, where it was completely 
blocked, and where it remained all night. There were aboard 
sixty-seven men, women and children, who for some twenty- 
four hours had nothing to eat except what little they might 
possibly have carried with them. On the afternoon of the 
19th the train, with the aid of three engines, returned to Fall 
River, carrying back most of the passengers. But father had 

(301) 



302 THE FINAL YEARS. 

managed to walk to the house of a friend in North Easton 
and preferred to remain there. On the 20th an acquaintance 
carried him in a sleigh to another friend's house in East 
Randolph, and on the next day he was carried further to a 
tliird friend in South Braintree, each time the ride being ac- 
complished with great difficulty. That day, the 21st, a rain 
set in, and at five o'clock in the afternoon a train from New- 
port with seven engines came along and landed him in Boston 
in about an hour. It had required five days for him to ac- 
complish the journey of fifty miles between Fall River and 
Boston. 

It became a custom for the family to spend the months of 
heat at a summer resort. Before the war this had not been a 
regular New England habit except with very wealthy people. 
The resort generally selected by the family was Seaconnet 
Point in Little Compton, Rhode Island. Father himself re- 
mained in Roxbury, where the house was kept open, except 
for an occasional vacation of a week or so. 

He always delighted in speaking of himself as a farmer's 
boy, and the call of the country, ever strong, seemed to grow 
more insistent with him as the years rolled on. He noted in 
his Journal the coming of the birds in the spring and their 
subsequent doings, and the blossoming of the trees and 
shrubs.* He always had a patch of ground where he could 
cultivate vegetables, and he jotted down in detail, day by 
day, his agricultural operations : — so many trees set out, so 
many beans planted, so many hills of corn hoed, so many 
quarts of berries picked. Finally he felt able to own a 
country house, and in November, 1870, he purchased the 
Robert Manton place in Portsmouth on the western shore of 
the island of Rhode Island. This lovely spot grew to be to 
him as the apple of his eye. So charmed was he, that in 
1873 he became a legal resident. Hither he came every 

* E. (J. The robins ceased singing in chorus August 10. \_Journal of 
August 12, 1875.-] 



THE FINAL YEARS. 303 

spring to direct operations for the coming season, and each 
year he spent more and more time at the place. Here he 
renewed the days of his childhood and passed some of the 
happiest summers of a happy life, indulging in the delights of 
farming. Here he set up his household gods : — " Martin's 
Folly," a birdhouse-model of the original St. James Street 
house, which the martins refused to inhabit ; " General 
Grant," a fierce warrior, renamed during the Civil War, who 
faced the blast and whirled a huge broadsword with each 
hand, when the wind blew ; and other idols, each with its 
appropriate appellation and its own history. 

The purchase of the Portsmouth place was hailed with 
delight by all the family, except one. Our housekeeper, dear 
old Almira Winslow, disapproved. She was in many respects 
a typical old-fashioned New England woman. Of excellent 
family, descended from Governor John Winslow, she was 
well educated in her girlhood and held a good social position. 
But the death of her father disclosed the unexpected fact 
that the family finances had been exhausted, and it became 
necessary for the survivors to earn their own livings. My 
stepmother knew her well, and on first going to housekeep- 
ing, took her as an assistant and companion. Tliis connection 
lasted during life with one brief interruption. 

When father was married the second time, Miss Winslow 
came to our home with mother. She was considered by us 
children, and considered herself, a member of the family. 
She took her meals with us except when there were guests, — 
then she absolutely refused to come to the table. She cared 
for us tenderly, and bossed us vigorously. In all family 
concerns she was most intensely interested, and she never 
hesitated to express her opinions whenever the opportunity 
offered. 

When it was proposed to have a house in the country in 
addition to one in the city, although Miss Winslow's advice 
was not asked, it was given with her usual emphasis. The 



304 THE FINAL YEARS. 

purchase of a second house was unnecessary, undesirable, un- 
economical, — nay, wickedly wasteful. One house was enough 
for any one family. She could not consent to the plan. She 
could not countenance it in any way. If father persisted, 
she would find it necessary to abandon the family, much as 
she loved it. And as father did persist, she left us and went 
to live with a relative. 

But not for long. The ties of loving association proved for 
her to be stronger than the bonds of blood. A year's absence 
showed that she was happier with us than with anyone else. 
She modified her opinion and asked to be taken back. Her 
petition was granted and she returned. Never after that, 
except for brief visits, did she leave the St. James Street 
house until she was carried to her grave. 

Like all New Englanders of his breed, father had strong 
religious convictions, and the subjects of death and of a 
future life were matters of serious and frequent thought. Al- 
lusions to the necessity of leading good and useful lives and 
of preparing for a better world are common in his Journal on 
the anniversaries of his birth and at the close of a year. But 
in these there was never any gloom or despondency, nor did 
he ever seem to regard death as anything else than a passage 
to a happier existence. " I hope," he wrote at the end of 
1854, " that the year has not passed without deep and serious 
thoughts of the future, of my responsibilities to my family 
and my duties to my Creator and God. I pray that such 
thoughts may sink deep into my soul and bring forth fruits 
meet for repentance. My children are growing up and are 
soon to take an active part in life. I hope and trust that 
they will live virtuous lives, with the fear of God in their 
hearts, and that they all will become good and useful citizens. 
May they do their utmost to make all happy around them, 
and live as tliey will wish they had lived when they come 
to die. What a consolation it must be, as death approaches, 
to entertain the blessed hope of a joyful resurrection." Al- 




A. D. HODGES. 

(From his latest photograph ) 



THE FINAL YEARS. 305 

most always he concluded with " thanks to the Giver of all 
good and perfect gifts for the many blessings bestowed dur- 
ing the year which has ended." 

"I am fifty-four years old to-day," he wrote. "How swiftly 
the years have passed. I have already lived to be older than 
I expected when I was a young man, and much older than the 
average of men." He often referred to the fact that his life 
had been longer than he had anticipated. It may be that this 
idea of his arose from knowledge that his heart was weak and 
his end liable to come at any moment ; but he never directly 
mentioned the fact, and it was unknown to his family until 
his death. Yet there are certain statements in his Journal 
which now might be construed to indicate that he was aware 
of his uncertain hold on life. If so, he " burned his own 
smoke " and for years faced his fate bravely and cheerfully. 

The summer of 1878 had passed most enjoyably at Ports- 
mouth. The crops had been good and had been gathered in. 
There had been a succession of agreeable visitors, some of 
whom were still with him. There had been an uninterrupted 
season of pleasure-giving and pleasure-taking. Then, without 
warning to the family, the angel of rest came and smiled on 
him. 

On the morning of September 27, father arose and, looking 
at his watch, remarked in a tone of surprise that he knew not 
why he had overslept. It was then five minutes past six 
o'clock, and his regular hour of rising was six. Passing to 
the bathroom for his usual bath, he returned immediately, 
saying that he thought it would be best to omit this. Soon 
he stated that he was not feeling well, and at the suggestion 
of his wife laid down on the bed. As he showed signs of 
distress, mother called other members of the family and a 
doctor was sent for. But before the physician could arrive or 
the clock mark the half hour, father left us and was gathered 
in peace unto his people, " in a full age, like as a shock of 
corn Cometh in in its season." 



APPENDICES. 



APPENDIX I. 



SPECIMENS OF THE ACCOUNTS IN THE LEDGER OE 
JONATHAN HODGES, Jr. 



THE FOLLOWING ABBREVIATIONS APPEAR IN THE ACCOUNTS. 



B = black. 

Bar and Barskin = bearskin 

cloth. 
Botg = bottle green. 
Cam = camwood color, 
dy = dyeing, 
f = fustic color, 
fu = fulling, 
lamn = lambskin cloth. 



led = lead color. 

In =: london brown. 

Insm = london smoke color. 

N blue = navy blue. 

o g = olive green. 

pres = pressing. 

sh = shearing. 

sh twice = shearing on both sides. 

sinament = cinnamon color. 



308 



APPENDIX I. 



A. SAMPLE PAGES. 



[Page 28, left band or Debit side.] 



July 

April 
June 
July 

November 



January 
March 

November 



June 
December 



January 



March 3d 



March 12 



1787 Ebenezer Wetherell Debter to 








Jonathan Hodges Jr 








for making a pair of shoes for Zephaniah . £ 


00 


02 


08 


more for a lyme hogshed .... 


00 


02 


00 


1788 for my hors to ride to tanton [Taunton] 


00 


01 


00 


1787 for an ox yoake 


00 


02 


00 


1788 for dy green tenterd : 3 : yds of Cloth . 


00 


01 


03 


more for thirty sheets of writing paper 


00 


01 


03 


1788 for pres : 4 : yds of Cloth 


00 


00 


08 


more for fu dy 1" sh jires 6)-q yds of Cloth 


00 


08 


02 


1788 for one pound & half of Redwood & a 








quarter of allom 


00 


00 


09 


more for pres : 12)^ yds of Cloth . 


00 


02 


01 


1789 for fu Barskin : .5 : yds of Cloth . 


00 


02 


01 


1789 for fu dy sh : 5 : yds of Cloth 


00 


03 


09 


more for dy B : PjK Pounds of yarn 


00 


00 


10 


1788 By your Varbiel ordier paid to Noah 








wiswall 


00 


01 


00 


1788 By my Varbiel ordier Jonathan Hodges 2d 








made a pair of shoes for Zephaniah 


00 


03 


00 


1789 for dy green one pound of yarn 


00 


00 


09 


1789 for fu sh twice pres 4^-^ yds of Cloth 


00 


03 


02 


more for pres an old skirt 4^^ yds of Cloth . 


00 


00 


09 


more for fu Barskin 10^4 yds of Cloth . 


00 


04 


05 


1790 for fu dy sh ,51^ yds of Cloth . 


00 


04 


02 


more for pres 4}.^ yds of Cloth 


00 


00 


09 


more for fu sh pres 2)3 yds of Cloth 


00 


01 


05 


1790 This Day we the subscribers Reckoned 








and Ballanced all Book accompts and found 








Due to Ebenezer Wetherell one shilling 








and six pence as witness our hands 








Jonathan Hodges Jr 








Ebenezek wetherell 








1790 Ebenezer Wetherell Debter 








to Jonathan Hodges Jr 








for Colouring green 1^^ pound of yarn 


00 


00 


11 


more for Colouring B 4 i^ounds of yarn 


00 


01 


08 



[Continued on page 310.] 



LEDGER OF JONATHAN HODGES, JR. 



309 



May 

September 
October 

December 
October 

October 8 
Decemb 
April 
May 12 
Novem 14 

April 6 
Novem 10 

March 29 



April 17 

June 28 
October 17 
April 11 
April 14 
June 14 
Novem 29 



[Page 29, right hand or Credit side.] 

1788 Ebenezer Wetherell Credet 

for : ll^-a Pounds of Raggs 
1788 to : 28 feet of white oake planck . 
1788 for : 5 pounds & ten ounces of Raggs 

1788 for Zephaniah one day making hay 

1789 to 3 quarts of sope .... 



1790 Ebenezer Wetherell Credet to 

one Days worck. .... 

1790 to 4)2 Bushals of ashis [ashes] 

1790 to 4 pounds of sope greace 

1791 to 10 quarts of Sope 

1791 to your Self and oxin one day to plow 
1791 to 16 gallons of Sope 

1791 to Spinning 

1792 to 29 quarts of sope 
1792 to 10 gallons of Sope 



1793 Then we the Subscribers Reckoned and 
Ballanced all Book accompts Even to this 
date as witness our hands 

Ebenezer Wethebei-l 
Jonathan Hodges Jr 



1793 Ebenezer Wetherell Credet 

to 18 gallons of Sope . 
1793 By your son Eber one day to ho 

1793 By your waggon to providence 

1794 By (3 gallons & 2 quarts of Sope 
1794 By 14 gallons of Sope 

1794 By Eber about ■'ii of a day hoing 
1794 By 5 gallons of Sope 



SOO 



15 



[Page 29 of Ledger, additional Debits, continued on Credit side.] 



Novem 11 

Decem 23 

Feb 2d 

march 5 
October 1 
Decem 7 
Decem 3d 



1791 Mr Eber Wetherells Accompts 
Continued for fu lamn G14 yds of Cloth 

1791 for pres 314 yds of Cloth 

1792 for fu dy green Bayz [baize] 2|o yds of 
Cloth 

1792 for fu lamn 714 yds of Cloth . 

1792 for pres one old skirt .... 

1792 for fu sh pres 6}.2 yds of Cloth 

1792 for dy green pres 6% yds of Cloth 



[Continued on page 311.] 



310 



APPENDIX I. 



[Page 28, left baud or Debit side continued.] 

May 12 1790 for sole letlier for one pair of womans 

shoes 

May 31th 1790 to Cash 

July S 1790 for my hors to Providence 

oct 1790 for fu sh pres 2}^ yds of Cloth 

1790 for a pair of flat irons 
Novem 24 1790 for pres 10 yds of Cloth 
Decern 27 ' 1790 for fu sh pres 4% yds of Cloth 
Jan 7 1791 for pres an old gound 
Mai'ch 8 1791 for my hors to tantone . 
March 29 1791 for dy pres one old Cloke 
June 1791 for my hors to plow at wedeing among 

Corn 7 acors 

June 22 1791 for my hors to i^low among Corn at half 

hilling 4I0 acors .... 

June 29 1791 for my hors to plow about 4 acors 

July 20 1791 for my hors to [plow] 4 ^^ acors among 

Corn 

1791 By James French .... 

Novem 14 1791 to Cash 

august 18 1791 for pres 10 yds of Cloth . 

Continued upon the next leaf. 



00 


01 


00 


02 





2 





1 





4 





1 





2 





1 





1 





2 





4 





3 





2 





2 





6 





6 




1 


1 



[For lack of space on the Debit side, the remaining Debits in this 
account were written on the Credit side. See pages 309 and 311.] 



LEDGER OF JOXATIIAN HODGES, Jli. 



311 



[Page 29, right liand or Credit side, Debit accounts continued.] 



June 


1793 Ebenezer Wetlierell Debter 










for my hors to plow among Corn : 1 1.< acor 





1 





July 1 


1793 for making a pair of Shoes for your wife 





2 


8 


Novem 13 


1793 for a tea Cittle [kettle] .... 





4 


8 


Nov em 4 


1793 for dy green 2'}^^ pounds of yarn 





1 


8 


Novem 11 


1793 for dy green & pres 3>4 yds of Cloth 





2 


2 


Decern 3 


1793 for fu Bar 2% yds of Cloth . 





1 


1 


Decern 19 


1793 for new lethering your Bellows 





1 


2 


Decern 20 


1793 for fu dy f sh & pres 7 yds of Cloth 





5 


10 


Jan 6 


1794 for dy B Z% pounds of yarn . 





2 


3 


Jan 8 


1794 for dy green % of a pound of yarn 








G 


Jan 18 


1794 for dy B & pres 3 pair of gloves . 





2 





April 1 


1794 for fu dy o g sh & pres 5)4 yds of Cloth 





5 


3 


June 4 


1794 for my hors to tanton .... 





1 


2 


June 24 


for my hors to plow about 2 acers among Corn 





1 


4 


Novem 3 


1794 for fu Bar 6 yds of Cloth 





2 


6 


Decem 6 


1794 for fu dy Cinamon & pres 3 yds of Cloth 





2 


3 


Decern 17 


1794 for fu dy f sh & pres 7^0 yds of Cloth , 





7 


6 


Decem 26 


1794 for pres 8 yds of Cloth .... 





1 


4 




2 


6 


4 


December 29 


1794 this day we the subscribers Reckoned & 
Ballanced all Book accorapts even to this 
date 
as witness our hands 

Ebenezer Witherell 
Jonathan Hodges Jr 









312 



APPENDIX I. 



May- 
an gust 19 
October 22 



AN ACCOUNT WITH A FURRIER AND HATTER 

1803 Mr Elias Fisher of tannton Dr 

for furr ........£ 

for two bariels of Cider ..... 

for half a cord of wood 



September 5 1806 for Cash 



June 27 ■ 1807 for two bariels of Syder 

I for one musquash Skin 
December 7 j for fu dy B & pres 5^^ yds of Cloth 
August 14 1809 for one load of wood 
May 18tli 1811 for one mink Skin . 






1 





1 


16 








9 








6 


6 


2 


12 


6 


1 


2 











10 





4 


5 





10 











9 









4 , 10 1 6 



Decemr 28 

October 1 
March 6 



C. AN ACCOUNT WITH A SEAMSTRESS. 

1797 Sally Stanley Dr 

for sh dy 1" & pres 83^ yds of Cloth 

1799 for my hors b}4 Milds . 

1800 for Cash .... 



June 10 1801 for dy 1" old habbit 

May 18 1802 for sh dy 1" & pres 1 1.^ yd 

September 9 for dy B & stifned one Silk gown 
December 6tH 1806 for Cash .... 



The above accompt is Settled 






4 


9 





2 








3 


9 





2 








1 


4 





6 








1 


6 





10 


10 



LEDGER OF JONATHAN HODGES, JR. 



313 



B. AN ACCOUNT WITH A FURRIER AND HATTER. 



June Stli 

august 19 
august 7 



Mr Elias Fisher 
By a felt hat for my Jonathan 
By a Caster hat for my Self . 
1804 By two felt liats for boyes 



Cr 



June 27 1807 by one felt hat for my Self 

ct by three felt hats for my Boyes 
July 4th !by Dresing a hat 

May 18 [1811 by one boyes hat 

November 25 1812 by one boyes hat 



. £ 


1 4 


6 


. 


1 119 





• 


9 







2 ! 12 


6 




7 


6 




113 


6 




1 5 







6 







; 6 






4 i 10 6 





C. AN ACCOUNT WITH A SEAMSTRESS. 










1798 Sally Stanley Cr 










By 4>.< days labour £ 





6 





March 6 


1800 By 3 Days labour 

1802 By Cuting out one pair of trowser for ^ 





4 


6 


July 31 










thos Morey & making one pair for my > 





2 







self ) 








March 10 


1803 By cuting out my overalls 








4 


April 27 


By 3 days labour 





4 


6 


January 


1804 by 2 days labour 





8 





July 30 


1805 by making a wescoat at my house 

1806 the Above accompt is Settled 





1 





December 6th 





10 


10 





314 



APPENDIX I. 



». AN ACCOUNT WITH A DOCTOR. 



Novem 20 



Novem 29 
October 26 
October 29 
Novem 16 



t 1797 Doctor Daniel Parker Dr 

for fu dy l" & pres 21^ yds of Cloth 

I for fu dy 1" & pres 0^4 yds of Cloth 

I for dy In &, pres one old Cloke 
1798 for pres old stuf 7 yds of Cloth 
for fu & Carding Bed blanketing lo^i^ yds 
for fu dy 1" & pres 4^:^ yds of Cloth 
for fu dy l" & pres a skirt 23^4 yds of Cloth 



Novem 21 ! 1798 the above accompt is settled By a receipt 



Feb 19 



Novera 21 



October 28 



february 8 



June 17 



february 10th 



June 30tii 



1797 Doctor Daniel Parker Cr 
By one visit . . . . . . . £' 

By one Bushal of Corn of Arunah Smith 

1798 By Cash 

the above accompt is Settled By a receipt 



Dr 



1805 Dr Daniel Parker 
for fu dy Green & pres 4% yds of Cloth 
for dy yallow 7 lb & 6 ounces of yarn . 
for dy green yarn 13 lb & 6 ounces 

& for dy o g 1^^ lb of yarn . . . . 

1806 for fu dy N blue sh & pres 13i^ yds of 
Cloth 



1811 for cash . 
Settled 



1806 Dr Daniel Parker Cr 

By 4 yds of thick Cloth at 8/ ... 

1808 by capt Thomas Danforth 18)^ lb of ) 
Sole lether at 25 cents per lb . . I 

Settled 



2 

4 

18 



17 

7 



18 


19 



12 

7 

19 



Septemr 25 

Feb 19 
Feb 19 



LEDGER OF JONATHAN HODGES, JR. 

Cr 



315 



1795 Doct Daniel Tarker 
By one visit to my mother .... 

1796 By one order upon hezekiah Tucker 

1796 this Day the above acconipt was Settled 
By a resate 



D 


c 


1 


— 


3 


75 


4 


75 



June 20 



July 30 
Septemr Qth 

Septemr 13 

October 3d 
October 8 
October 10 
October 19 
October 20 



October Id 



October 3d 



E. AN ACCOUNT WITH AN APPRENTICE. 

1804 Thomas Morey Dr 

for 7 yds of cotton & one scein of thread — -\ 
taken up on accompt at Thos & Asa > , 
Danforths ......) 

for one pair of shoes ..... 

for linning [linen] at Thos & A Dauforth 
Stoar ........ 

for mending your Shoes .... 

for paying Asa Arnold 

for Cash ........ 

for discount with Thos & Asa Danforth 

for Stock & mending your Shoes . 

for Cash 

for Cash 

& for board about 2 wekes .... 

for Cash ........ 



1804 Thomas Morey Cr 

By three Months and half labour at iiiS.SO pr 
month ........£ 

By one days labour ..... 

By one days labour 






10 





10 





11 





1 





8 


1 


10 





6 





3 





12 


3 


12 





10 





6 


9 


2 


8 


18 





2 





2 


9 


2 



August 15 
Novem 4 
Nov em 29 



F. AN ACCOUNT WITH A COUNTRY STORE. 
1793 Fobes & Tucker Dr 



By Cash 

By Lieut Elisha Cobbs order 

1793 By Peter Carpinter 

1793 for dy green 43^4 pounds of yarn 

1793 for fu dy 1" & pres 7 yds of Cloth 



1 


10 





4 





11 





3 





5 



316 



APPENDIX I. 



Decern 14 
Jan 27 
March 24 
June 16 
January 5 
Jan 31 



January 31 



1793 for dy Botg an old Josey ... 

1794 for Derius Drakes order ... 
1794 for Capt Israel Trows order ... 

1794 By Jacob Shaws order .... 

1795 for fu dy green & pres 7% yds of Cloth 
1795 By discount with Lt Morey ... 
& By a due Bill given up ... . 



1795 This day Mr Thomas fobes [and] I 
Settled our accompts By Resates 



I 1793 Fobes & Tucker Credet 

By ^^ & 17 pounds of iron .... 1 

April 3d 1793 to goods 

April 10 1793 to one gallon of melasses . . . ^ 

April 15 1793 to 7 pounds of flour .... 

October 2d 1793 By Si^ yds of linning [linen] at 3s : 4d 

pr yd 

Novemr 2 1793 By 3 pounds of Shugger ... 

& By i.T pound of Chocolate . . . .0 
Decern 2d 1793 By half pound of tea . . . . i 

& By one Duzzun of Biskett . . . .0 
Jan 7 1794 By one Duzzin of Bisketts . . • | 

Jan 27 1794 By one pound of Reasons [raisins] . j 

& By one arthon [earthen] pot . . . ' 

& By li^^yd of Callaco : 

Feb 4 1794 By 2 quarts of wine . . . • j 

& By 2 Duzzun of Bisketts . . . .0 

Feb. 19 1794 By 4 plates ^ 

March 4 1794 By one gallon of molases . . . 

& By 5 pounds of Shogger .... 

March 24 1794 By 2 Duzzun of Biskets . . .0 

& By one Sling | 

June 10 1794 By K a pound of tea . . . .0 

& By one Duzzun of Biskets . . . .0 
June 27 1794 By 3 pounds of Shogger . . .10 

July 16 1794 By one pair of Shoes for Rebecka 

French 

august 26 1794 By 3 pair of heeles . . . .0 

Novem Id 1794 By half a bushal of Salt . . . ,0 
Novem 11 1794 By a black lether Pockett Boock . .0 

& By 4 squirs [squares] of Glais [glass] . i 
Jan 1795 By one pound of Reasons & one ounce 

of Snuf 

c*C' By a due Bill ten shillings . . • M^ 

[5:8:1] \~^ 



APPENDIX II. 



BARTER PRICES IN NORTON, 1790 TO 1810, AS QUOTED 
IN THE LEDGER OF JONATHAN HODGES, Jr. 



Allspice, per lb., 
Alum, per lb.. 
Apples, per bu., 
Ashes, per bu.. 
Beans, per bu.. 
Beef, per lb.. 
Biscuit, per doz., 
Board, per week, 
Boots, per pair, 
Brandy, per gal.. 
Buckwheat, per bu 
Butter, per lb., 
Camwood, per lb.. 
Charcoal, per bu.. 
Cheese, per lb.. 
Chintz, per yd.. 
Chocolate, per lb.. 
Cider, per barrel, 
Cinnamon, per oz.. 
Codfish, 
Coffee, per lb., 
Copperas, per lb.. 
Corn, per bu., 
Eggs, per doz,, 
Flax, per lb.. 
Flour, per lb., 
Fustic, per lb.. 
Gin, per quart. 
Ginger, per lb., 



56 cts 

8>^ to 121.^ cts 

16;^ to 33^ cts 

$1.00 to $2.00 

4 to 9 cts 

13 to 22>^ cts 

$0.87>^ to 11.34 

13.00 to $5.50 

$1.50 to $1.78 

50 cts 

10 to 25 cts 

20 cts 

5 to 71^ cts 

8I3 to 14 cts 

64 to 72 cts 

20 to 44 cts 

$0.50 to $3.00 

81-^ cts 

3 to 5 cts 

191^ to 37 cts 

514 to 8i'3 cts 

$0.50 to $1.00 

83^ cts 

8% to 16% cts 

S]4 to 8}4 cts 

5 >i to 8}4 cts 

$0.29 to $1.00 

22 cts 



Handkerchiefs, flag, 
large, 
linen, 
muslin, 
pocket, 
silk, 



Hats, castor, 

" felt. 
Honey, per lb.. 
Indigo, per lb., $1 

Ink, per cake. 
Ink-powder, per paper. 
Iron, per lb., 
Lime, per bushel. 
Logwood, per lb.. 
Mink skin. 
Molasses, per gal., 
Muskrat skin. 
Mutton, per lb.. 
Nails, per M, 4d, 

6d, 

8d, 
" " lOd, 
" 20d, 
Oats, per bu., 
Onions, per bu.. 
Potatoes, per bu 
Pork, per lb., 

17) 



97 cts 

50 cts 

50 cts 

86 cts 

18 cts 

$0,331^ 

to $1.50 

$6.50 

$0.75 to $1.25 

11 to 162^ cts 

$1.50 to $4.67 

121^ cts 

93./ cts 

7 cts 

$0.75 to $1.00 

3 to 81'^ cts 

12i.i cts 

39 to 83>3' cts 

14 cts 

2X to 7 cts 

30 to 47 cts 

39 to 58 cts 

$0.8313^ to $1..30 1^ 

$0.75 to $1.50 

$1.67 to $3.33 

25 to 66% cts 

$1.00 

, 19 1^ to 50 cts 

S}i to 16% cts 



318 



APPENDIX II. 



Rags, per lb, 
Raisins, per lb., 
Redwood, per lb., 
Rice, per lb.. 
Rosin, per lb., 
Rum, per gal.. 
Rye, per bu.. 
Shells, per lb.. 
Shoes, per pair, 

'■'■ for horses, 
Shoeing horses all 

Snuff, 

Soap, soft, per gal. 
Spinning, per yd., 
Sugar, per lb., 



IX to 2 cts 
12 1^ to 25 cts 

10 to 123^ cts 
4 to 7 cts 

9X cts 

$0.47 to $1.78 

$0,662^ to $1.50 

25 cts 

10.79 to $1.83 

each, 28 cts 

round, fl.l7 

to fl.33 

11 to 22 cts 
51^ to 8 1^3 cts 

11 to 333^3 cts 



Tallow, per lb., 
Tea, per lb.. 
Tea, hyson, per lb. 
Tobacco, per lb.. 
Turnips, per bu., 
Veal, per lb., 
Verdigris, per oz.. 
Vinegar, per gal.. 



10 to 20 cts 

40 to 75 cts 

$1.11 

11 cts 

16;^ to 50 cts 

3>2 to Q}4 cts 

8)4 cts 

12;^ to 33 >3 cts 



Wages, per day, men. 



women 
Watches, 

Weaving, per yard, 
Wheat, per bu., 
Wine, per gal., 



$0.41?^ 
to $1.00 
, 10 to 28 cts 
$15 to $28 
4 to 12 >^ cts 
$1.67 
.1.11 to $2.00 



Writing paper, per sheet, 



/3 



Ct 



APPENDIX III. 



COPIES OF TAX NOTIFICATIONS AND WAEKANTS, 
FKOM THE PAPERS OF JONATHAN HODGES, JUNIOR. 



1. NOTIFICATION TO THE ASSESSORS OF A TO^YN APPROPRIATION. 

To the Assessors of Norton Gentlemen 
at a Leagul school Meeting of the third Southern Destrict in Norton 
holden on Tusday December the 2*^ 1800 

Voted one hundred and Eighty Dollars to build a School House in s'^ 
Destrict 

Likewise Voted that s*^ sum should be raised on the rateble pools 
[polls] and Estates of the inhabetents of s<i Destrict and Lands and 
other property Lieble to be Taxed in s'^ District. 

r Clark 
Luther Lincoln •) of s^ 

( Destrict 



2. warrant by the assessors to a constable. 

Bristol Ss To Jonathan Hodges one of the Constables of the Town 
of Norton within the County of Bristol Greeting 

In the Name of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts you are required 
to Levy and Collect of the Several Persons Named in the List here- 
with Committed unto you each one his respective proportion therein 
Set down of the Sum total of Such List it Being three Hundred & 
Sixteen Dollars & fifty five cents your proportion of one Thousand 
Dollars Voted and agreed upon by the Inhabitants of the Town of 
Norton at an adjournment of the annual Meeting on May 6"' 1797 
for Supporting the Poor and other Necessary Charges of s<^ Town and 
you are to transmit and pay in the Same unto Silas Cobb Esq^ Treas- 
urer of the Town of Norton 

or to his Successor in that ofiice and to Complete and make up an 
account of your Collections of the whole Sum on or before the first 

(319) 



320 APPENDIX III. 

day of October next and if any Person Shall refuse or Neglect to 
pay the Sum he is assessed in the s^ List to distrain the Goods or 
Chattels of Such person to the value thereof and the distress so taken 
to Keep for the Space of four days at the Cost and Charge of the 
owner and if he Shall not pay the Sum so assessed within the S"^ four 
days then you are to Sell at Public Vendue the distress so taken for 
the payment thereof with Charges first Giving forty eight hours No- 
tice of Such Sale by Posting up Advertisement thereof in Some Public 
l^lace in the Town and the overplus arising by Such Sale if any there 
be besides the Sum assessed and the Necessary Charges of taking and 
keeping the distress you are immeadeately to restore to the owner 
and for want of Goods and Chattels whereon to make distress (be- 
sides tools or implements Necessary for his trade or occupation, 
Beast of the Plough Necessary for the Cultivation of his improved 
Land, Arms, utensils for House Keeping Necessary for upholding 
Life bedding and apparel Necessary for himself and Family) for the 
Space of Twelve days you are to take the Body of Such person So 
refuseing or Neglecting and him Commit unto the Common Gaol of 
the County there to remain until he pays the Same or Such part 
there of as Shall not be abated by the Assessors for the time being or 
the Court of General Sessions of the peace for the Said County 
Given under our hands and Seals by Virtue of a Warrant from the 
Selectmen of the Town of Norton 

Sep*^ 13*^ 1797 Joshua Pond ^ assessors 

Noah Clapp ( of 
Brian Hall \ Norton 



3. A VTARRANT TO THE TREASURER TO COLLECT FROM THE 

CONSTABLES THEIR PROPORTIONS OF A TAX LEVY, AND 

TO REMIT CERTAIN FORMER TAX ASSESSMENTS. 

Bristol Ss To M"" Benjamin Person South Precinct treasurer of the 

Town of norton within the County of Bristol Greeting 

These are to order you to Demand Kequire Recover and Receive 

s d 
of Constable Samuel morey the Sum of . . . JE40 - 8-10 

of Constable Samuel Newcomb the Sum of . . 31-11-2 



It Being a tax or Assesment Granted and agreed on 72-0-0 

at a Legal meeting of the Freeholders and other Inhabitants of the 
South Precinct of the Town of norton Regurlerly assembled on mun- 



TAX WARRANTS. 321 

day the 29 Day of noveniber 17G2 and the Assessors of sd precinct 
have Dileuered to Sd constables True and perfect Rate lists with 
Lawfull warreuts from the assessors of Said precinct Impowering 
Said Constables to gather and collect the aboue Said Sums and pay it 
to you or to your Sucksessor in Sd office at or before the first Day of 
march next after the Date hereof, And you are hereby ordered to pay 
out of the aboue Sd money to the Reuerend mr Joseph Palmer for his 
Sallerey For the year 1762 the sum of Sixty six pound thirteen Shill- 
ings And four pence at on or before the first day of march next 1763 
and the Seueral Sums following you are to pay as soon as you can git 
the money uiz 

s d 



To ephraim Lane 2'J the Sum of £2 - 4 - 9 for gath- > „^ s d q 

r £2 -4-9-0 
ering the Precinct Rate 1761 . . . . > 

s d 
And to sd Lane the Sum of - 2 - 6 for peter Aldriges > a_2_ f_o 
Precinct Rate when sd Lane was constable . > 

s d 
And to Andrew Hodges the Sum of 2 - 11 for Benj'^ } n_9_i-|_o 

Willises precinct Rate when sd hodges was constable ^ 
And noted to giue John Martin his precinct Rate (_ n_Q_ r_n 



The year when Ephraim Lane 2*^ was constable 

s d 



} 



And Uoted to Andrew Hodges 2-11 for Jotham Bas- ) 0-''>-ll-0 
sets Precinct Rate when sd Hodges was constable > 

And what Remains over and aboue the aboue sd Sums 3'ou are To 
keep in your hands till further order Dated in Norton february the 
first Day 1763 



Thomas Morey 



Comitte 
of the 
South 



DAVID Williams \ P^^^^°^* 

of the Town 

of Norton 



APPENDIX IV. 



FINANCIAL EXTEACTS FROM THE JOURNAL OF A. D. H. 



A. STIMSON & HODGES. 
ABSTRACT FROM ACCOUNT OF STOCK. 



STear ending 


Capital. 


stock of 


Net Profit after deducting 


Feb. 


Merchandise. 


store and family expenses. 


1823 


$1,200.00 






1824 


2,446.85 


$2,291.40 


$882.63 


1825 


3,461.72 


3,314.17 


994.17 


1826 


4,490.29 


4,613.79 


1,028.57 


1827 


5,580.25 


8,045.81 


1,089.96 


1828 


8,319.03 


9,810.46 


2,738.78 


1829 


11,064.-58 


8,290.33 


2,745.55 


1830 


13,129.82 


6,959.11 


2,065.24 


1831 


13,580.25 


9,449.66 


3, 601.. 36 


1832 


15,781.36 


11,369.48 


5,476.48 or 6,632.90t 


18.33 


15,601.85 


9,878.94 


5,093.99 


1834 


18,189.04 


14,070.35 


6,486.97 


1835 


21,7.39.83 


16,070.15 


7,632.88 or 8,282.86t 


1836 


24,116.37 


19,145.38 


8,657.87 


1837 


24,960.93 


22,360.09 


10,009.69 or 10,295.02t 


1838 


22,505.17* 


18,656.47 


3,792.88 or 5,022.40t 


1839 


22,799..32 


16,-341.97 


4,0.38.92 


1840 


24,981.23 


13,688.26 


5,403.18 or 6,942.21t 


1841 


29,515.97 


13,860.53 


4,874.74 


1842 


27,765.27 


13,980.47 


4,310.03 



* Diminution of Capital and Profits was caused by the panic of 1837. 
t It is uncertain which of these figures is to be taken. 

( 322 ) 



FINANCIAL EXTRACTS. 



323 



ANNUAL PERSONAL AND FAMILY EXPENSES 
FOR 31 YEARS ENDING IN FEBRUARY. 



During apprenticeship: 

1817 $50.00 and board. 

1818 75.00 



1819 156.00 

1820 83.00 

1821 81.67 

1822 109.00 

1823 123.00 
In business: 

1824 279.76 

1825 337.96 

1826 457.81 

1827 471.00 
Married Oct. 15, 1827 



includiuor uniform and watch. 



1828 
1829 
1830 
1831 
1832 
1833 
1834 
1835 
1836 
1837 
1838 
1839 
1840 
1841 
1842 
1843 
1844 
1845 
1846 



535.54 
1,221.93, including about S500 for furniture. 

839.95 

848.30 

979.36 (3 in the family) 
1,219.81 

1,083.25 (4 in the family) 
1,320.09 
1,376.64 
1,429.43 
1,804.76 (5 in the family) including about $170 for furniture etc. 



2,272.95 " " S560 

1,924.02 (6 in the family) " " $330 

2,041.64 " " 

2,230.05 " " 

1,910.78 

1,800.00 (7 in the family) 
1,972..58 

2,176.00 including about $170 for furniture etc. 

The family left Providence for Boston July 2, 1846. 
1847 2,266.04 (8 in the family) 



APPENDIX V. 



PKOYIDENCE COTILLIOI^ PAKTIES, 1824-1826, 
FROM THE PAPERS OF A. D. H. 



A. YOUNG GENTLEMEN WHO ATTENDED. 

Andrews, Theodore. 

Arnold, George C. 

Brown, William W. [Mentioned several times in the account of the 
Dorr War.] 

Buffum, Horace. Manager. Married in Providence, Oct. 3, 1826, 
Mary E. Page. 

Burrough, William. Died in Providence, Feb. 3, 1867, in his 68th 
year. 

Cady, Isaac H. Died in Providence, April 16, 1867; was in the book 
business; lived in New York a number of years. 

Carpenter, F. W. 
" Henry. 

Cartee, Cornelius S. A. B. Brown University, 1825; married in Prov- 
idence, April 6, 1829, Sarah P. Jenckes; M. D. 
Harvard, 1849 ; lived in Providence, Peoria, 
111., Dowlestown, Penn.; librarian of Public 
Library, Charlestown, Mass., 1872 [to 1885 ; 
died in Charlestown, Dec. 23, 1885.] 

Clarke, William Y. 

Clifford, John Henry. Born in Providence, Jan'y 6, 1809; A. B. 
Brown University, 1827; Governor of Massa- 
chusetts; died in New Bedford, Mass., Jany 1, 
1876. 

Dunn, William. 

Dyer, Albert Field. Married in Providence, March 12, 1826, Amy 
Ann Ellis. 

Farmer, William. 

(324) 



PROVIDENCE COTILLION PARTIES. 



325 



Faruum, Heury. Son of Royal; died iu Philadelphia, Dec. 18, 1855 
aged 53. 

Gladding, Henry G. Married in Providence, Oct. 14, 1829, Frances 
C. Hurlburt. 

Haile, George C. 

Hallett, George W. Married in Providence, May 18, 1829, Louisa 
Branch; the second Colonel of the Providence 
Horse Guards. 

Hodges, Almon D. Manarjer. 

Jackson, George W. Died in Providence, Oct. 15, 1860, aged 55. 
" James A. Died in Providence, June 4, 1845, aged .38. 

Mason, Coomer E. Died in Providence, Jan'y 1, 185.3. 

Mason, Earl P. Member of the Providence Horse Guards, 1842- 
1844; married Ann Larcher; died in Provi- 
dence, Sept. 21, 1876, in his 73d year. 

Mauran, Nathaniel S. 

Morse, Nathan Tingley. Died in Providence, Aug. 30, 1869, aged 69. 

Mudge, Solomon Hinckley. Married in Providence, Oct. 16, 1826, 
Susan H. Dodge; I acted as groomsman, and 
we gave them a serenade, two buglers; Cap- 
tain of militia in Providence and Colonel in 
Maine; resided in Portland, Me., a number of 
years; died in New Orleans, March 22, 1860, 
aged about 58. 
Died in Charleston, S. C, 1838. 
Secretary & Treasurer. Married in Providence, 
Oct. 23, 1827, Harriet Bullock. 
Manager. Married in Providence, July 25, 1855, 
Mary Whitaker; died in Providence, Sept. 15, 
1871, in his 67th year. 
Married in Providence, Sept. 29, 1828, Amelia S. 
Townsend ; died in Baltimore, Md., Septem- 
ber, 1875, aged about 67. 



Page, George W. 
Pearce, Edward. 

Peck, Allen O. 



Porter, Charles. 



Pratt, William, 
lihodes, Peleg A. 
Spooner, Joshua, 



Died in Providence, Nov. 13, 1852, aged 49. 
Married iu Providence, 1831, Ann C. Noyes; died 
in Providence, Oct. 20, 1869, aged 85. 
Stimson, John Jones. Of Stimson & Hodges; born June 11, 1798 ; 
married in Norton, Mass., Oct. 23, 1828, Abi- 
gail Morton Clarke, daughter of Rev. Pitt 
Clarke; Captain of Providence Light Infantry, 
etc.; died in Providence, Jan'y 20, 1860. 



326 



APPENDIX V. 



Tyler, . 

Weeden, Enos H. 



Died in Providence, April 6, 1873, aged 70. 



YOUNG LADIES WHO ATTENDED. 



Aborn, Sarah A. Married June 1.3, 1827, Amory Chapin, who was 
married four times, and who died in Provi- 
dence, Oct. 4, 184.5, in his 44th year. 



Andrews, ISTancy. 
Billings, Mary. 
Branch, Caroline M. 



Laura. 
Louisa. 



Married Dec. 5, 18.32, George W. Rhodes; she 
died in Providence, Oct. 3, 1874; he died in 
South Providence, Jan'y 27, 1866, in his .57th 
year. 



Bullock, Harriet. 



Martha. 



Married May 18, 1829, George W. Hallett; she died 

in Providence, March 3, 1875. 
Married Oct. 23, 1827, Edward Pearce. 
Burrough, Ann Frances. 

" Lucy A. Married .July 3, 1832, Joseph A. Dike. 

Comstock, Catherine. Married in New York city, Oct. 29, 1832, 
Benjamin W. Comstock; he died Nov. 4, 1850, 
in his 42d year, on a voyage to Panama. 
Married in Providence, Oct. 15, 1827, Almon D. 
Hodges; she died in Roxbury, Mass., Aug. 29, 
1849; buried in the North Burying Ground, 
Providence. 
Married in Providence, Feb. 1, 1826, Enoch W. 
Clarke; she died Feb. 6, 1878, aged 71 yrs., 
10 mos., 6 days; he died in Philadelphia in 
1856, aged 53. 
Married Oct. 16, 1826, Solomon H. Mudge. 
Daughter of Cyrus; married March 12, 1826, 
Albert F. Dyer. 
Married in Providence, Nov. 7, 1827, Amos D. 
Smith; she died in Providence, Jan'y 30, 1835. 
Died unmarried in Taunton, Mass., May 18, 1850, 
aged about 54. 
" Harriet Sprague. Married a Smith. 
Gladding, Miss. 



Dodge, Sarah. 



" Susan H. 
Ellis, Amy Ann. 

Franklin, Sarah A. 

Gilbert, Hannah P. 



PROVIDENCE COTILLION PARTIES. 



327 



Susan W. 



Jenckes, Sarah P. 



Graves, Emma. 

Hurlburt, Frances C. Married Oct. 14, 1829, Henry G. Gladding. 

Jackson, Mary Brown. Married Jany 28, 1830, James G. Anthony; 
she died in Providence, Oct. 29, 1873, in her 
69th year; he died in Anthony, R. I., Sept. 16, 

1861, aged 54. 
Married in Providence, June 24, 1828, Dr. David 

B. Slack; she died in Providence, May 4, 1868, 
aged 60 yrs. 2 mos. ; he died in Providence, 
June 27, 1871, in his 74th year. 
Married April 6, 1829, Cornelius S. Cartee; she 
was buried in Providence, May 9, 1831. 
Jestram, Mary. Died unmarried, in Fruit Hill, R. I., Dec. 29, 1861, 

in her 54th year. 
Jones, May Caroline. Married in Providence, July 3, 1834, Joseph 
Knowles. 
[Daughter of John M., born in Providence May 8, 
1808.] Married in Providence, 1831, Joshua 
Spooner. 
Married Oct. 3, 1826, Horace Buffum. 
Married in Providence, Dec. 11, 1827, William P. 
Bullock; she died in Providence, Sept. 15, 
18.36, aged 29; he died in Providence, Dec. 21, 

1862, aged 57. 
Married in Providence, May 9, 1827, Esek Aid- 
rich, Jr. ; she died in Providence, July 29, 
1872, aged 67; he died in Providence, May 24, 
1869, in his 74"^ year. 

Smith, Mary. 

Soule, Eliza. Married in Providence, Jan'y 14, 1830, George A. 
Rhodes. 

Stillwell, Frances. Born in Providence Jan'y 13, 1807; married in 
Providence, Aug. 20, 1829, James N. Olney; 
resided later in Brooklyn, JSf. Y., and San Fran- 
cisco and Oakland, Cal.; she died in San Rafael, 
Cal., Jan'y 1, 1875. Col. Jas. N. Olney served 
in the Dorr War, and commanded one of the 
companies of the famous San Francisco Vigi- 
lance Committee of 1856. 
" Mary. Born in Providence May 4, 1805; married in Provi- 
dence, Oct. 18, 1827, Edward Gratton. 



Noyes, Ann C. 



Page, Mary R. 
Pearce, Sarah. 



Peck, Mary Spurr. 



328 APPENDIX V. 

Thornton, Louisa. Married in Providence, Aug. 9, 1827, Henry W. 

Lotlirop; he died in Providence, Oct. 6, 1874, 

in his 73d year. 
Thurber, Mary. Married Cyrus Dyer; she died in Providence, Aug. 

6, 1876, aged about 70; he died in Providence, 

March 22, 1864, aged 67. 
" Mary C. Married in Providence, Nov. 21, 1832, Ira B. 

Winsor; lie died in Providence, March 4, 1877, 

in his 73d year. 
Townsend, Amelia S. Married Sept. 29, 1828, Charles Porter. 
Ware, Clarissa. 
Williams, Abby. Married Albert Gooding [Goodwin ?]. 



c. copy of the caterer's bill for the season of 1824-5. 
Cotillion Party 

To Peter S. Minard Dr. 

Dec. sot's 1824. To use of my hall one night |;6.00 

To 12 Bottles Wine 12.00 

To Cake &c for 66 Persons 17.50 

To Cake Caried in to the Drawing room .50 

To Cash Paid for Cariages 9.00 

Jany 13"', 1825. To use of my hall 6.00 

To 12 Bottles of Wine 12.00 

To 5 Bottles of Wine & Brandy Extra 5.00 

To Cake Pies &c for 74 Persons 19.60 

To 4 tumblers Broke .67 

To Cake & pies in the Chamber .75 

To Cash Paid to Buglelar [bugler] 4.00 

To Cash for Cariages 9.00 

Jany 27'", 1825. To Cash Paid to Buglelar 3.00 

To 12 Bottles wine 12.00 

To use of my hall 6.00 

To Cake &c for 70 Persons 17.50 

To Bottles Brandy Extra 2.00 

To Cash Paid for Cariages 9.00 
To four tumblers Broke and 

one paine of Glass Broke .84 

To Cash Paid for 2 packs of cards 0.50 



COTILLION PARTIES IX PROVIDENCE. 329 

Feby 10"' 1825. To use of my hall 6.00 

To 1-2 Bottles AViue 12.00 

To 4 Bottles Brandy 4.00 

To Cake &c for 90 Persons 21.50 

To 6 tumblers Broke 1.00 

To cash Paid Jeukes 28.00 

To cash Paid Brown 20.00 

To cash Paid Sutton 20.00 

To cash Paid Smith 12.00 

To cash Paid Capron 5.00 

To cash Paid for Carias^es 9.00 



S201.26 



D. COPY OF A LETTER. 



At a Meeting of the " Providence 
Cotillion Party " it was voted that the Surjilus funds in the hands of 
the Secretary, being Eleven Dollars and fifty Cents, be Presented to 
the Dorcas Society, in compliance with which I hand you the amount 
herewith. 

Respectfully 
To Mrs. J. B. Wood A. D. Hodges 

First Directress of the Sec^ 

Dorcas Society. 

Providence 13 Feb'y 1826. 



APPENDIX VI. 



WASHINGTON BANK DATA. 



Original Charter granted February 25, 1825. 

Became a National Bank January 1, 1865. 

Went into voluntary liquidation February 20, 1902. 

Original capital, ^500,000; increased to 1750,000 in 1854. 



PROMINENT ORIGINAL SHAREHOLDERS AND THEIR HOLDINGS. 

Shares 

Davis, Charles 50 

Derby, Elias H. 8 

Doggett, Samuel 2 

Dorr, Samuel 12 

Dudley, David 12 

Everett, Aaron 8 

Everett, Moses 8 

Everett, Otis 12 

Fay, Windsor 60 

Felton, Luther 4 

Fisher, Oliver 10 

French, Benjamin V. 38 

French & Weld 60 

Fuller, Henry H. 8 

Gardner, Samuel J. 4 

Gilbert, Benjamin J. 6 

Gill, Perez 4 

Goddard, Jonathan 8 

Gray, Francis C. 20 

Hayden, William, Jr. 4 

Hay ward, George 16 

Head, Joseph 20 

Hendley, James 4 
330) 





Shares 


Adams & Amory 


5 


Andrews, Justin 


2 


Atkins, Benjamin 


3 


Balch, Joseph 


6 


Baldwin, Aaron 


40 


Ball & Davis 


12 


Ballou, Hosea 


2 


Baxter, David, Jr. 


64 


Boylston Fire and Marine 




Insurance Co. 


3000 


Bracket, Lemuel 


2 


Bradlee, John W. 





Bradlee, Samuel 


12 


Brewer, Thomas 


41 


Brown, John I. 


4 


Bugbee, Edward 


4 


Bullard, Lewis 


4 


Carter, Thomas 


5 


Champney, O. W. 


12 


Child, Stephen 


2 


Columbian Lodge, The 


6 


Cooke, Josiah P. 


86 


Crackbon & Howe 


16 

( 



WASHINGTON BANK DATA. 



331 



Shares 


Holbrook, Henry J. 


4 


Hovey, Henry & Co. 


IG 


Hunting, Thomas 


20 


Ireland, Jonathan 


2 


Johnson, Samuel 


8 


Lamson, John A. 


8 


Loring, Barnabas T. 


4 


Lovering, Joseph 


12 


Lowell, John, Jr. 


2 


Macomber, Howard & Sawin 


12 


Marett, Philip 


12 


Marsh, Bela 


2 


Mass. Hospital Life Ins. Co. 


10 


May, Perrin 


12 


Messenger, Daniel 


4 


Moseley, D. C. 


4 


Nevers, B. M. 


2 


Parker, John 


20 


Parker, John, Jr. 


8 


Parker, Peter 


4 


Payson, Perrin 


8 


Perkins, Rufus 


4 


Perry, John & Son 


6 


Piper, Solomon 


4 


Prescott, Edward 


4 


Preston, Elisha 


4 


Price, Henry & Co. 


12 


Provident Inst'n for Savings 




in the Town of Boston 


50 



Shares 

Eice, .John P. 4 

Sharp, Edward 8 

Shaw, Lemuel 32 

Simmons, D. A. 6 

Sprague, G. I. 8 

Stearns, Jonathan P. 20 

Stedman, Josiah 30 

Stedman, W. M. 12 

Stevens, Benjamin 24 

Thompson, John 36 

Thorndike, Israel P. 8 

Tilden, Thomas 12 

Topliff, Samuel 6 

Townsend, J. P. 6 

Vose, Ebeuezer & Co. 12 

Vose, Josiah 10 

Wainwright, Henry 4 

Wales, Ebenezer 4 

Weld, Daniel 40 

Welles, John 12 

West, Benjamin 8 

White, Warren 6 

Whitney, Josiah & Co. 6 

WiUiams, J. D. & M. 84 

Williams, Thomas 16 

Worthington, Francis 8 

Worthington, William 4 

Wyman, William 8 



PRESIDENTS. 

Aaron Baldwin, elected March 23, 1825; resigned Nov, 0, 1850. 
Almon D. Hodges " Nov. 6, 1850; died Sept. 27, 1878. 
Eben Bacon " Sept. 28, 1878; resigned Jan'y 7, 1896. 

C. MiNOT Weld " Jan'y 7, 1896; bank ceased business Feb. 

20, 1902. 

cashiers. 

Henry Jacques elected April 9, 1825; resigned Oct. 4, 1825. 

Daniel A. SiGOURNEY " Oct. 4, 1825; " Oct. 21,1853. 



532 



APPENDIX YI. 



Charles A. Putnam elected Oct. 21, 1853; resigned Dec. 26, lSf)2. 
William H. Brackktt " Dec. 26, lS(i2; " Nov. 15, 1895. 

Francis A. Low " Nov. 15, 1895; served to the end in 

1902. 



DIRECTORS. 



Anthony, S. Reed 
Atkins, T. G. 
Bacon, Eben 
Bacon, Francis 
Balcii, Joseph W. 
Baldwin, Aaron 
Bradlee, Samuel 
Brewer, Thomas 
Browne, Edward I. 
Chapin, Henry B. 
Cooke, Josiah P. 
Curtis, Caleb A. 
Davis, Charles 
Dutton, George D. 
Emmons, John L. 
Fay, Windsor 
Fisher, Oliver 
Fisher, Warren 
Fowle, Parker 
Greene, Henry A. 
Hodges, Almon D. 
Hooper, James R. 
Inches, John C. 
Jackson, Francis 



1901- 
1838- 
1861- 
1845- 
1854- 
1825- 
1825, 1830, 
1825- 
1879- 
1891- 
1825- 
1884- 
182.5- 
1850- 
1850- 
1825- 
1826- 
1845- 
1840- 
1872- 
1850- 
1891- 
1886- 
1832- 



1902 
1840 
1902 
1877 
1877 
1850 
1831 
1837 
1901 
1902 
I860 
1900 
1838 
1857 
1857 
1843 
1829 
1846 
1852 
1890 
1878 
1901 
1893 
1839 



Lambert, William B. 
Lincoln, William 
Loring, Barnabas T. 
Levering, Edward 
Lyman, George T. 
Mackey, William 
Mixter, George 
Moseley, Flavel 
Prendergast, James M. 
Price, Henry 
Saltonstall, Richard M. 
Simes, Joseph S. 
Simes, William 
Sprague, Edwin L. 
Stan wood, Eben C. 
Stedman, Josiah 
Thacher, Charles 
Thompson, John 
Tucker, Alanson 
Weld, C. Minot 
Weld, Daniel 
Williams, John D. 
Williams, Moses 



BOOKKEEPERS. 

Joshua Child, 1825 to 1832. 

J. A. Richards, 1833 to 1845. 

James H. Champney, 1846 to Jan'y 18, 1887. 

La Prelate H. Turner, May 3, 1887 to Jan'y 4, 1898. 

John A. Easton, Jan'y 4, 1898 to the end in 1902. 

GENERAL ASSISTANT. 
La Prelate H. Turner, Jan'y 4 to Oct. 1, 1898. 

ASSISTANT BOOKKEEPERS. 

Amory G. Hodges, 1875 to 1878. 

John A. Easton, Feb. 1, 1897 to Jan'y 4, 1898. 

Benjamin F. Wessels, 1900 to the end in 1902. 



1891-1902 
18.50-1854 
1829-1831 
1901-1902 
1848-1857 
1861-1865 
1898-1902 
1842-1851 
1887-1902 
1825-1829 
1894-1902 
1878-1874 
1884-1890 
1886-1890 
1861-186H 
1825-1867 
182.5-1827 
1825-1837 
1850-1881 
1890-1902 
1825-1833 
1901-1902 
1825-1867 



WASHINGTON BANK DATA. 333 

TEr.L7':KS. 
John J. Soreu, 1825 to 1847. 
Charles A. Putnam, 1848 to 1858. 
Caleb A. Atkins, 1854 and 1855. 

I'AY1N(t telleus. 
George F. Dodge, March 7, 1856 to 1857. 
Francis A. Low, 1857 to Nov. 15, 1895. 
Sanford L. Treadwell, Nov. 15, 1895 to the end in 1902. 

HEC^EIVIiNTG TELLEUS. 
Francis A. Low, 185(5 and 1857. 
Thomas M. Button, 1857 and 1858. 
Benjamin C. Vickery, 1858 and 1859. 
La Prelate H, Turner, 1860 to May 23, 1887. 
Sanford L. Treadwell, May 23, 1887 to Nov. 15, 1,S95. 
George F. Low, Nov. 15, 1895 to the end in 1902. 

DISCOUNT CLERKS. 
William Townsend Hodges, May 15, 1854 to July 1862. 
William H. Townsend (acting), winter of 1856-7. 
John J. Eddy, August 1862 to Dec. 3, 1868. 
Sanford L. Treadwell, Dec. 3, 1868 to Nov. 15, 1895. 
John A. Hunneman, Nov. 15, 1895 to the end in 1902. 

:\rESSENGERS. 

styled originally Messenger and Porter, afterwards Messenger and Col- 
lecting Clerk. 

Jeremy Drake, 1825 to 1831. 

S. T. Goss, 1832 to 1834. 

James H. Champney, Aug. 24, 1834 to 1845. 

Charles A. Putnam, 1846 to 1847. 

J. W. Gushing, 1848 to 1853. 

Henry Kellogg, 1854 to 1895. 

Samuel C. Payson, 1896 to 1899. 

Benjamin W. Newhall, 1900 to 1901. 

Fred F. Ford, 1901 to 1902. 



CLERKS. 



John A. Hunneman, 1887 to 1895. 
Charles H. Kilham, 1891. 
George F. Low, 1893 to 1895. 
Benjamin W. Newhall, 1899. 
Fred F. Ford, 1900. 
Edward Johnson, 1901 to 1902. 



334 



1826 April 
Oct. 

1827 April 
Oct. 

1828 April 
Oct. 

1829 April 
Oct. 

1830 April 
Oct. 

1831 April 
Oct. 

1832 April 
Oct. 

1833 April 
Oct. 

1834 April 
Oct. 

1835 April 
Oct. 

1836 April 
Oct. 

1837 April 
Oct. 

1838 April 
Oct. 

1839 April 
Oct. 

1840 April 
Oct. 

1841 April 
Oct. 

1842 April 
Oct. 

1843 April 
Oct. 

1844 April 
Oct. 

1845 April 
Oct. 

1846 April 
Oct. 

1847 April 
Oct. 





APPENDIX VT. 






DIVIDENDS PAID (per 0611 


t.). 




4 


1848 


Apri 


1 3>^ 


1870 


April 1 


b 




Oct. 


1 3 




Oct. 1 


O 


1849 


Apri 


1 3 


1871 


April 1 







Oct. 


1 o 




Oct. 1 


o 


1850 


Apri 


I 1 3 


1872 


April 1 


3 




Oct. 


1 3 




Oct. 1 


2 


1851 


Apri 


1 o 


1873 


April 1 


1>2 




Oct. 


1 3 




Oct. 1 


1>^ 


1852 


Apri 


1 3>,i 


1874 


April 1 


2M 




Oct. 


1 3 




Oct. 1 


2)^ 


1853 


Apri 


1 3 


1875 


April 1 


2 




Oct. 


1 m 




Oct. 1 


'^% 


1854 


Apri 


{ 1 4 


1876 


April 1 


2 V. 




Oct. 


1 4 




Oct. 1 


2^ 


1855 


Apri 


1 -i'A 


1877 


April 1 


2^4 




Oct. 


1 ^i 




Oct. 1 


2)4 


1856 


Apri 


1 W^ 


1878 


April 1 


2% 




Oct. 


1 31^2 




Oct. 1 


3 


1857 


Apri 


1 4 


1879 


April 1 


3 




Oct. 


1 ^% 




Oct. 1 


2^1 


1858 


Apri 


1 3% 


1880 


April 1 


3 




Oct. 


1 3>2- 




Oct. 1 


1>2 


1859 


Apri 


1 4 


1881 


April 1 


2 




Oct. 


1 4 




Oct. 1 


2 


1860 


Apri 


1 3 


1882 


April 1 


2 ^'2 




Oct. 


1 3 




Oct. 1 


'•> 


1861 


Apri 


1 3 


1883 


April 1 


3 




Oct. 


i o 




Oct. 1 


2 


1862 


Apri 


1 3 


1884 


April 1 


2% 




Oct. 


1 3 




Oct. 1 


2^ 


1863 


Apri 


1 3)^ 


1885 


April 1 


2^ 




Oct. 


1 31^ 




Oct. 1 


2 


1864 


Apri 


1 4 


1886 


April 1 


2^ 




Oct. 


1 4 




Oct. 1 


1>^ 


1865 


Apri 


1 6 


1887 


April 1 


2 




Oct. 


1 () 




Oct. 1 


1^ 


1866 


Apri 


1 6 


1888 


April 1 


2 




Oct. 


1 6 




Oct. 1 


2>^ 


1867 


Apri 


1 6 


1889 


April 1 


3 




Oct. 


1 6 




Oct. ] 


3 


1868 


April 


1 6 


1890 


April 1 


3 




Oct. 


1 () 




Oct. 1 


3 


1869 


Apri 


1 6 


1891 


April 1 


'i'A 




Oct. 


1 6 




Oct. 1 



3 

2>^ 

2)^ 

2M 

2>6 
2 

2>e^ 
3 
3 
3 

2>2 

23<^ 
2% 

^A 
^% 

2% 



WASHINGTON BANK DATA. 



1892 April 1 
Oct. 1 

1893 April 1 
Oct. 1 

1894 April 1 
Oct. 1 

1895 April 1 
Oct. 1 



2 ' o 
2' .' 



1896 April 1 
Oct. 1 

1897 April 1 
Oct. 1 

1898 April 1 
Oct. 1 



2 '.< 



1899 April 1 
Oct. 1 

1900 April 1 
Oct. 1 

1901 April 1 
Oct. 1 



/ AVKRAGE ANNUAI, DIVIDEND, 

1825 to 1850 inclusive 5 per cent. 

jj \ 8.7 " " exclusive of taxes. 
/ 9.0 " " inclusive " 
1879 to 1895 '• 5.3 " " 

189U to 1901 " 4.6 " 



1851 to 1878 



2'., 

2'., 

2ii< 









SURPLUSES. 








1851 Oct. 1 


■^8,000 


1873 


April 1 


|;273,546 


1887 


Oct. 


1 $298,944 


1854 Oct. 1 


40,239 




Oct. 1 


274,363 


1888 


April 


300,00(1 


1855 Oct. 1 


50,317 


1874 


April 1 


274,564 




Oct. 


[ 310,060 


1850 Oct. 1 


57,000 




Oct. 1 


269,807 


1889 


April 


I 310,224 


1857 April 1 


65,000 


1875 


April 1 


268,038 




Oct. ] 


I 302,635 


1861 April 1 


43,305 




Oct. 1 


267,664 


1890 


April ] 


I 306,377 


Oct. 1 


30,087 


1876 


April 1 


307,245 




Oct. 


L 312,160 


1862 April 1 


35,303 




Oct. 1 


288,938 


1891 


April 


L 321,087 


Oct. 1 


39,774 


1877 


April 1 


285,061 




Oct. ] 


I 324,562 


1863 April 1 


54,730 




Oct. 1 


280,043 


1892 


April ] 


I 326,-598 


Oct. 1 


70,000 


1878 


April 1 


272,060 




Oct. 


309,034 


1864 April 1 


80,000 




Oct. 1 


261,038 


1893 


April 


1 303,186 


Oct. 1 


90,428 


1879 


April 1 


272,571 




Oct. 


I 306,367 


1865 April 1 


144,780 




Oct. 1 


270,782 


1894 


April 


I 278,698 


Oct. 1 


167,275 


1880 


April 1 


274,192 




Oct. 


I 277,860 


1866 April 1 


175,686 




Oct. 1 


279,097 


1895 


April 


I 278,046 


Oct. 1 


187,758 


1881 


April 1 


277,087 




Oct. 


275,744 


1867 April 1 


191,261 




Oct. 1 


292,528 


1896 


April 


I 281.231 


Oct. 1 


204,817 


1882 


April 1 


274,089 




Oct. 


I 290,920 


1868 April 1 


209,683 




Oct. 1 


273,999 


1897 


April ] 


L 293,681 


Oct. 1 


220,587 


1883 


April 1 


271,683 




Oct. ] 


1 298,041 


1869 April 1 


231,927 




Oct. 1 


271,934 


1898 


April ] 


I 303,862 


Oct. 1 


237,786 


1884 


April 1 


271,459 




Oct. ] 


I 319,160 


1870 April 1 


245,417 




Oct. 1 


271,520 


1899 


April ] 


L 319,321 


Oct. 1 


247,755 


1885 


April 1 


268,914 




Oct. ] 


L 315,853 


1871 April 1 


247,878 




Oct. 1 


267,615 


1900 


April ] 


I 331,069 


Oct. 1 


253,532 


1886 


April 1 


2r>6,379 




Oct. 


L .348,690 


1872 April 1 


2.54,208 




Oct. 1 


261,241 


1901 


April 


1 360,649 


Oct. 1 


260,667 


1887 


April 1 


261,691 




Oct. 


I 374,901 



inr> 



APPENDIX VT. 



HIGHEST AND LOWEST STOCK IMMCKS. 

Lowest 

100 

100* 

98 



102* 

95 
100 
107* 
101 

95 

95 

lOOlg^ 
100 
105 
112 
119 
121 
180 
1331^ 
135 
134% 
135 
140 
138 
1353^ 



Year 


Highest 


Lowest 


Year 


Highest I 


1820 


104 


100 


1852 


106 


1827 


105 


102 i. 


1853 


105 


1828 


1041. 


101 ^e 


1854 


104 


1829 


104 


101 


1855 


106 


1830 


10(5 


lOOJi 


1856 


1051. 


1831 


105/. 


1013/ 


1857 


108 ~ 


1832 


103 ' 


100 


1858 


110 


1833 


103 


100 


1859 


112 


1834 


102io 


100 


1860 


112 


1835 


105 


102 


1861 


109 


1830 


103 


9() 


1862 


104}^ 


1837 


102 


02 


1863 


W4]4 


1838 


96 


5)1 ^2 


1864 


V2h% 


1839 


90 


91 


1865 


125 


1840 


91 


90 


1866 


126 


1841 


93 


88>. 


1867 


128 


1842 


91 lo 


84 


1868 


137)^^ 


1843 


89 


m4 


1869 


144 >e 


1844 


90 


83 


1870 


144 


1845 


100 


90 


1871 


150 


1846 


98 ,t.. 


93 


1872 


148f. 


1847 


98 


97 >^ 


1873 


146 


1848 


93 


88 


1874 


152 


1849 


96). J 


90 


1875 


1511. 


1850 


lOOto 


94 


1876 


147 


1851 


104 


98* 












« 


Ex-dividend. 



Yea r 


Highest 


Ijowest 


1877 


140 


130 


1878 


131 


.120 


1879 


135 


121 


1880 


140)8^ 


132 


1881 


141^,/ 


137 


1882 


139^ 


127^8 


1883 


133 


125 


1884 


134 


]27 


1885 


1353^ 


129>4 


1S86 


135 


122K 


1887 


128 


120% 


1888 


123 


in^o 


1889 


12718 


122^ 


1890 


I2914 


121 


1891 


125 


115 


1892 


117!. 


111 


1893 


111% 


1001^ 


1894 


111 


101 


1895 


110'^ 


107 


1896 


106K 


100 


1897 


100,1.' 


97>8- 


1898 


11914 


100% 


1899 


12314 


119 


1900 


121 


103 


1901 


I35I0 


107 



INDEX OF NAMES. 



Aborn, Sarah A. 326 
Adams & Amory 330 

John Qiiincy 28, 177 
Alden, Francis 125 
John 19 
Priscilla 19 

Aldrich, 142 

Esek 122, 327 
Isaac 70, 71 

Mary Spurr (Peck) 327 
Aldridge, Peter 321 
Allen, G. W. 199 
James 19 
Lewis 73 
Lydia 17() 
Otis 82 
Philip J. 230 
Zachariah 145, 157, 185 
Ames, (Gen.) 185 
Samuel 122, 182, 207 

Amory, 86 

Andrew, John A. 294, 295, 297-299 
Andrews, Justin 330 
Mary 20 
l^ancy 326 
Theodore 324 
W. T. 260 
Angell, Job 151 
Anthony, Burrington 183, 188 
Henry B. 175, 226 
James G. 327 

Mary Brown (Jackson) 327 
S. Reed 332 
Appleyard, Artliur E. 264 



Arnold, Asa 57, 70, 315 
Benedict 63 
David 70, 71 
Elizabeth 212 
George C. 324 
George H. 48, 60 
Joseph H. 199 
Nancy 70, 71 
Polly 70 
S. 71 

Samuel G. 172, 173 
Atkins, Benjamin 330 
Caleb A. 333 
T. G. 332 
Avery, John 26 
Bacon, Daniel Carpenter 263 
Desire Taylor (Gorham) 2(i3 
Eben 247, 262, 263, 331. 332 
Francis 229, 247, 332 

Bagg, 142 

Baker, Allen 173 
Balch, Joseph, 247, 330 

Joseph W. 332 
Balcom, Benjamin 97 
Baldwin, Aaron 229, 245-247, 249- 
252, 330-332 
Aaron Charles 252 
Betsey Esther (Marett) 252 
Elizabeth Adelaide 252 
Enoch 251 
Sybil (Knapp) 251 
Balkcom, James 63 
Ball & Davis 330 
Ballou, ITosoa 330 



338 



INDEX OF NAMES. 



Barber, G. C. 219 
Barnes, ( Mrs.) 100 

1. (Mr.) 100 

I. (Mrs.) 100 
Barnett, Thomas 220 
Barney, H. E. 151 

Thomas 20 
Barrett, George (Mrs.) 88 
Bartlett, John II. 160 
Bassett, 147 

Jotham .321 
Bateman, (Capt.) 204 
Bates, Benjamin E. 260 
Baxter, Daniel 245 

David 330 
Baylies, Francis 177 

H. 44 

Bernard, 100 

Billings, Mary 326 
Black, (Mrs.) 143 
Blair, Francis P. 149 
Blake, Joseph M. 20(i 

Mary 93 

Thomas 93 
Blodget, Leonard 188 
Bolingbroke, (Lord) 134 
Bonnycastle, J. C. 219 
Booth, Edwin 88 

Junius Brutus 88, 145 
Bosworth, Alfred 207 
Bowen, 113 

(Col.) 157 

Ephraim 154 

Hannah 212 

Henry 167-170, 193, 206 

Peddy 117 

William 117 

Boylston, 201 

Bracket, Lemuel 330 
Brackett, Gorliam 231 

Louisa 86 

W. H. (Mrs.) 86 

William H. 86, 247, 332 
Bradford, William 266 
Bradlee, .lohn W. 330 



Bradlee, Samuel 246, 330, 332 
Braman, (Master) 84 

Daniel 32 

I. 71 

Thomas, Jr. 66-69 
Bramhall, William 260 
Branch, Caroline M. 326 

Laura 326 

Louisa 325, 326 

Stephen 122 
Bray, John 100 

Brewer, Thomas 245, 246, 330, 332 
Bridge, Gridley 97 
Brigham, Elisha it Co. 134 
Brooks, John 111 
Brown, 329 

Anna 212 

Chad 212 

David 178 

James 212 

John 123, 212 

John Carter 172 

John I. 330 

Joseph 212 

Mary (Harris) 212 

Moses 212 

Nicholas 212 

William W. 182. 186, 189, 104, 
199, 324 
Brown & Ives 172 
Browne, Edward I. 247, 332 
Buchanan, James 271 
Buckingham, Jos. T. 114, 163 
Buffum, Horace 324, 327 

Mary R. (Page) 324, 327 
Bugbee, Edward 330 
Bullard, Lewis 330 

Samuel P. 215 
Bullock, Harriet 325, 326 

Kent 78 

Sarah (Pearce) 327 

William P. 327 
Burdick, Isaac 70 
Burgess, Tristram 89 
Burke, Edmund 205 



INDEX OF NAMES. 



339 



Burrill, James 89 
Burrough, Anu Frances ;!2(') 

Lucy A. ?,2(> 

William 324 
Butler, Benjamin F. 149 
Cady, Isaac H. 160, 324 
Cahoone, Stephen 206 
Calvin, John 279 
Cameron, Bill 189 

Capron, 329 

Cardwell, 284 

Carlisle, Edward 15;") 
Carpenter, Earl 16-> 

F. W. 324 

Henry 324 

Peter 315 
Carrington, (Gen.) 184 
Cartee, Cornelius S. 150, 151, 100, 
324, 327 

Samuel 151 

Sarah P. (Jenckes) 324, 327 
Carter, Thomas 330 
Case, James B. (Mi-s). 94 

Laura L. (Williams) 94 
Cass, Lewis 149, 237 
Caswell, Sarah (Hodges) 48 
Chace, John Barnet 89 
Chamberlain, Wm. E. 107 
Champney, James H. 229, 247-249, 
oo2, ooo 

James Wells 249 

John 249 

Lydia (Howe) 249 

O. W. 330 

Sarah Elizabeth (Wells) 249 
Chapin, Amory 173, 326 

Henry B. 332 

Sarah A. (Aborn) 32ti 

Chappotin, 125 

Chase, Salmon P. 259 
Cheney, Martin 208 
Child, Joshua 247, 332 

Stephen 330 
Church, John 166 
Clapp, Noah 320 



Clark, Enoch W. (Mrs.) 120 

Isaac 98 

Joseph W. 120 

Sarah Dodge 120 
Clarke, Abigail Morton 325 

Enoch W. 120, 326 

George F. 40, 42 

Pitt 36, .37, 43, .57, 68, 73, 84, 211 , 
325 

Sarah (Dodge) 120, 326 

Thomas 25 

William Y. 324 
Clay, Henry 272 
Cleaveland, Chauncy F. 192 

(Dr.) 208, 209 
Clifford, (Mayor) 162 

Joiin Henry 324 
Cobb, 82 

Elias 74 

Ellsha 315 

Silas 40, 319 
Coburn, Marcus 151 
Colfax, (Schuyler) 41 
Comstock. (Mrs.) 91 

Anna (Brown) 212 

Benjamin 212, 216 

Benjamin W. 326 

Catherine 211, 326 

Elizabeth (Arnold) 212 

Esther (Jenckes) 212 

Hannah (Bowen) 212 

Jeremiah 212 

John 212 

Martha 148, 211-213, 215, 238, 326 

Mary (Winsor) 212 

Sally Brown 212 

Samuel 211, 212 

William 128, 211 

Conway, 88, 100 

Cooke, Josiah P. 229, 245-247, 330, 

332 
Cooper, 88 

Thomas A. 100 

Copeland, 70 

Corey, Barney 94 



340 



INDEX OF NAMES. 



Crackbon & Howe, 880 
Grossman, Charles L. 70, 71 

Elisha 78 
Cummings, Amos 107 
Curtis, Caleb A. 332 
Cushing, Elizabeth Adelaide (Bald- 
win) 252 

James 107 

James W. 229, 333 

Thomas 252 
Cutting, William E. 151 
Dall, William 245 
Dallas, George M. 270 
Danforth, Asa 60, 84, 85, 315 

Benjamin 138 

Edward K. 72 

Henry 143 

Mary J. 72 

Samuel 19, 28, 143 

Sarah 28 

Thomas 31, 40, 42, 77, 83, 99, 314, 
815 

Thomas M. 72, 78 
Davis, Charles 246, 330, 332 

J. Amory 233 
Day, Daniel 218 
De Russey J. 219 
De Wolf, (Gen.) 190 

Mark Anthony 204, 205 
Dean, George 118 

Eichard 55 
Dearborn, (Gen.) 109 

Henry 106 
Derby, Elias H. 330 
Desi^eau, (Capt.) 187 
Dexter, Ebenezer Knight 182 

Samuel 184 
Dickerman, William A. ]07 

Dickson, 100 

Dike, Joseph A. 326 

Lucy A. (Burrough) 326 
Dimon, Byron 206 
Dockray, Caesar 87 
Dodge, George F. 333 

Sarah 120. 326 



Dodge, Susan H. 325, 326 
Doggett, Samuel 330 
Donnison, Wm. 27 
Dorr, Lydia (Allen) 176 

Samuel 330 

Sullivan 176, 203, 208 

Thomas Wilson 123, 1.52, 172, 
176, 178, 180-198, 195, 196, 198, 
208, 205-210 
Drake, Darius 316 

Jeremy 338 
Draper, Nehemiah S. 154 
Drummond, 87, 88 

(Mrs.) 87, 88 
Dudley, D. 98, 94, 131 

David 330 
Duff, (Mrs.) 88 
Duncan, Alexander 172, 173 
Dunlap, Molly 129 
Dunn, William 324 
Dunnell, Thomas L. 173 
Durfee, Ann Chaloner 2()6 

(Judge) 207 
Dutton, George D. 229, 382 

Thomas M. 333 
Dyer, Albert Field 160, 324, 32(i 

Amy Ann (Ellis) 324, .32() 

Cyrus 828 

Elisha 145 

Mary (Thurber) 828 
Easton, John A. 247, 382 
Edes, Henry 154,211, 223 
Eddy, John J. 333 

Maria 221 

Richard E. 151 
Edwards, George 57 
Eliot, John 19 
Ellis, 125 

Amy Ann 824, 326 

Cyrus 826 

George E. 168 
Emmons, John L. 98, 211, 226-229 

332 
Emmons Sz Weld 226. 228 
Eustis, William 158 



INDEX OF NA]\rES. 



341 



Everett, Aaron ^oO 

Edward 28 

Moses 330 

Otis 330 
Fabyan, George 173 
Farley, Frederick A. 223, 224 
Farmer, William 324 
Farnum, Henry 325 

Eoyal 325 
Farrel, John 107 
Farrelly, P. A. 219 
Fay, Windsor 245, 246, 330, 332 
Felton, Luther 330 
Fenner, James 157, 162, 165, 167, 

168, 170, 205, 206 
Fenno, William 106, 107 
Field, 134 

(Capt.) 166 

Harriet S. 134 

James 132 
Field & Fobes 132 
Fillmore, Millard 271, 272 

Finn, 100 

Fish, Eliza Ann (Ghxzior) 267 

Henry H. 155 
Fisher, Elias 312, 313 

Oliver 330, 332 

Warren 332 
Flagg, John F. B. 151 
Fobes, George \V. 132, 133 

Thomas 316 
Fobes & Tucker, 315, 316 
Ford, Fred, F. 333 
Foster, Peddy 65 
Fowle, Parker, 220, 332 
Foye, William 24 
Franklin, Benjamin 237 

Sarah A. 326 
Freeman, (Mrs.) S3 

Sanforth 83 
Fremont, John (;. 271 
French, B. F. 131 

Benjamin V. 245, 330 

Hannah Weld (Williams) 03 

James 310 



French, Jonathan 93, 131 

Kebecka 316 
French & Weld, 245, 330 
Frieze, Jacob 175 
Frost, Hezekiah 266 
Fuller, 125 

Henry H. 330 
Gardner, Grace 233, 241 

Samuel J. 330 
Gilbert, Benjamin J. 330 

George 85, 8(i, 90, 92, 98, 101, 111, 
112, 144 

Hannah 87 

Hannah P. 320 

Harriet Sprague 326 

John 45 

(Mrs.) George 86, 87 

Gilchrist, 138 

Giles, John 173 
Gill, Perez 330 
(iladding, (Miss) 326 

Frances C. (Hurlburt) 325, 327 

Henry G. 325, 327 
Glazier, Araery 266 

Ann Chaloner (Durfee) 266 

Calvin 266 

Eliza Ann 267 

Jane Hudson 266 

John 266 

Lydia (Pierce) 266 
Goddard, Jonathan 330 
Goldschmidt, Otto 243 
Gooding, Abby (Williams) 328 

Albert 328 
Gorham, Desire Taylor 263 

Jabez 122 
Goss, S. T. 333 
Gould, John 128, 129 
Graapner, Charles 147 
(irant, Ulysses S. 41, 237 
(irant ife Stone 134 
Gratton, Edward 327 

Mary (Stillwell) 327 
Graves, Emma 327 
Gray, Francis C. 330 



342 



INDEX OF NAMES. 



Crreen, Alphonso 199 

John 102 
Greene, Albert C. 122 

Albert G. 155 

Henry A. 332 

Joseph C. 151 
Greenwood, W. F. P. 93 
Grey, (Lord) 276 
Grieve, David 90 
Grindall, Edmund 19 
naile, George C. 325 
Hale, Nathan 113, 114 
Hall, Brian 320 

Charles B. 256 

Edward Brooks 224 

Isaac 86 
Hallett, George W. 153, 172, 173, 
194, 205, 325, 326 

Louisa (Branch) 325, 326 
Hansen, Edward K. 151 
Harding, Harriet N. 242 
Harrington, Ephraim 102-105 
Harris, Charles F. 197 

Mary 212 
Harrison, William 274 
Haskell, S. 249 
Hatch, Israel 125 
Haven, Franklin 259, 260 
Hayden, William 330 
Ilayward, George 330 
Head, Joseph 330 
Heard, Nathan 119 
Heard & Estabrooks, 1 19 
Hedges, see Hodges 
Hendley, James 330 
Herbert, Louis 219 
Heth, Henry 219 
Hill, Isaac 149 

W. H. 219 
Hills, Harry 96 
Hix, Dudley 153 
Hodges, Abigail (Sanford) 22 

Almon Danforth, Jr. 216, 231, 299 

Amory Glazier 2(»7, 332 

Andrew 321 



Hodges, Bradford 204 
Carroll 242 
Danforth Comstock 86, 153. 216, 

223, 233 
Edward Carroll 86, 267 
Francis Oluey 216, 231, 2.33, 268 
Frederick Stimson 216, 231, 273, 

296 
George 73 
George Foster 216, 219, 231, 293- 

295 
Henry 20, 21 
Henry C. 50 
James 32 
Jane 86 
Jane Hudson ((xlazier) [Leonard] 

266 
John 20 

Jonathan, Jr. 25-28, 30-35, 40, 43, 
45, 48, 51-58, 61-63, 307-309, 
311, 313, 317, 319 
Jonathan, Sr. 25-28, 32, 34, 42, 44- 

48, 60, 65, 80, 84, 1.58 
Joseph 21, 22, 57, 58 
Lurana W. (Lane) 72 
Martha 86 
Martha (Comstock) 211-214, 216, 

233, 326 
Mary (Andrews) 20 
Newton S. 65, 70-72, 77, 78, 80, 

81, 91 
Rufus 45, 54, 55 
Sarah (Danforth) 28, 34 
William 20, 275 

William Townsend 216, 231, 233, 
296-298, 333 
Hodges & Emmons 226-228 
Hodges, Emmons & Weld 226-228 
Ilolbrook, Henry J. 331 
Holley, Horace 92 
Holman, Ralph W. 231 
Homer, Benjamin P. 109 
Hooper, James R. 332 
Iloppin, William W. 173 
Horton, Mary 70, 71, 140 



INDEX OF NAMES. 



J43 



Horton, Sanford 157 
Hosmer, (Miss) 286 
Hovey, Henry & Co. ool 
Howe, Lyclia 249 
Howell, John 153 
Howland, John 150 
Huggeford, Henry A. 107 
Hunneman, John A. 33o 
Hunter, William 154 
Hunting, Thomas 245, 331 

Huntingdon, 143 

Huntington, Ralph 107 
Hurlburt, Frances C. 325, 
Huss, John 277 
Hutchins, Shubael 122 
Inches, John C. 332 
Ingraham tt Greene, 57 
Ireland, Jonathan 331 
Ives, Moses B. 172, 173 

Robert H. 172 
Jackson, Andrew 149 
Francis 332 
George W. 325 
James A. 153, 325 
Mary Brown 327 
Susan W. 327 
Jac(iues, Henry 247, 249, 3; 
Jenckes, Esther 212 
Patience (Sprague) 212 
Sarah P. 324, 327 
William 212 

Jenkes, 329 

Jestram, Mary 327 
Jewett, (Sergt.-Major) 200 
Johnson, Edward 333 

Samuel 331 
Jones, May Caroline 327 

William 89 
Joslen, Henry 4(), 47 
Josling, see Joslen 
Kean, Edmund 88, 99, 100, 
Keep, Jolin C. 197 
Kellogg, Henry 249, 2."j3, 33 
Kelton, Phebe tlti 
Kemble, 100 



145 



Kemble, Fanny 88 
Kendall, Amos 149 

Henry L. 173 
Kennedy, Cora 293 
Kidder, Peabody & Co. 2(55 
Kilbourne, George O. 50 
Kilham, Charles II. 333 

Kilner, 100 

Kimball, Moses 88 
King, (Col.) 199 

Samuel Ward 169, 184, 192, 193, 
205, 296 
Knapp, Josiah 245 

Sybil 251 
Knight, Nehemiah R. 89 
Knowles, Joseph 327 

May Caroline (Jones) 327 
La Pistori, (Capt.) 277, 281 
Lafayette, (Gen.) 156-161 
Lamb, Thomas 259, 260 
Lambert, William B. 332 
Lamson, John A. 331 
Lane, Lurana W. 72 
Lanes, Ephraim 321 

Lang, 151 

Larcher, Ann 325 
Lawrence, Samuel C. 294 
Leonard, Ephraim 25 

George 38, 39, 4S 

Creorge, Jr. 25 

Gustavus 266 

Henry 38 

James 38 

Jane Frances 267, 268, 279 

Jane Hudson (Glazier) 266 
Lewis, William B. 149 
Lincoln, Abraham 290 

Almira 132 

Luther 319 

M. Ill 

Minor S. 86, 87, 98 

William 229, 332 
Lind, Jenny 243 
Lodge, G. Henry 93, 94 

Mary E. (Williams) 93 



344 



INDEX OF NAMES. 



Loring, Barnabas T. 331, 382 
Lothrop, Henry W. 328 

Louisa (Thornton) 328 

Samuel Kirkland 23H 
Lovering, Edward 332 

Joseph 331 
Low, Francis A. 247, 332, 333 

George F. 333 
Lowell, James Russell 237 

John 331 
Luther, Seth 178 
Lyman, George T. 229, 332 

Lynfield, 99 

Lyon, Danforth, 151 

John 151 
Mackey, William 332 
Macomber, Howard it Saw in 331 
Macready, — — 88 
Makepeace, Betsey 31 

David 41 

Isaac 45 
Manton, Eobert 302 
Marett, Betsey Esther 252 

Philip 331 
Marsh, Bela 331 

John 106, 107, 112 
Martin, John 321 

Josiah H. 182, 194, 199 
Mason, Ann (Lai-cher) 325 

Coomer E. 325 

Earl P. 325 
Mauran, Nathaniel S. 325 
Mawney, John 154 
Maxwell, Noble 200 
May, George 95 

Perrin 331 
Mayo, John 19 
McCabe, Ann 80 
McLean, John 237 
McNeill, William Gibbs 199, 200 
Mears, Catherine M. (Raymond) G4 

Elijah G4 
Mehaffy, C. O. 292 
Merry, Robert Davis Coolidge 93 

Sarah Ann (Williams) 93 



Messenger, Daniel 331 
Metcalf, Betsey 31 

Nat. 178 

Thomas S. 91 
Miller, Lewis L. 194 
Minard, Peter S. 148, 328 
Mitchell, William 178 
Mixter, George 332 
Moffit, Orson 173 
Monroe, James 87 
Morey, 34. 

(Dr.) 84 

George 101 

Nicholas 20 

Samuel 320 

Thomas 35, 75, 139, 315, 31(3, 321 
Morgan, William 213 
Morse, Nathaniel Tiugley 325 
Moseley, D. C. 331 

Flavel, 229, 332 
Mudge, Solomon Hinckley KiO, 325, 
326 

Susan Dodge 120 

Susan H. (Dodge) 325, 326 
Needham, John 124, 125 
Nesbit, Ancel F. 230 
Nestell, Christian M. 165 
Nevers, B. M, 331 

Isaac 107 
Newcomb, Samuel 320 

Silvester 41 
Newhall, Benjamin W. 333 
Nightingale, (Col.) 182 
Nims, Nelson E. 174 
Noyes, Ann C. 325, 327 

John M. 327 

Moses 151 
Oakes, Abel 185 
Okie, Abraham H. 230 
Olney, Frances (Stillwell) 211, 327 

James M. 204 

James N. 152, 153, 211, 327 

Stephen 157 
Page, Benjamin 154 

George W. 325 



TiSDKX OF NAMKS. 



345 



Page, Mavy K. o'24, o27 
Paige, Frederick A. 227, 228 

George 227 
Palmer, George 44 

Joseph 321 
Palmerston, (Lord) 27() 
Parker, Daniel 3o, 314, 315 
John 331 
John, Jr. 331 
Luther 102 
Peter 331 

yamuel H. 106, 108 
Patten, William S. 155 
Payson, Perrin 331 

Samuel C. 333 
Peabody, George & Co. 270 
Pearce, Edward 325, 320 
Harriet (Bullock) 325,327 
Sarah 327 
Peck, Allen O. 153, 325 
Mary Spurr 327 
Mary (Whitaker) 325 
Peckham, Samuel W. 197 
Peirce, George 152 
Perkins, Rufus 331 
Perry, Alvin 72 
John & Son 231 
Lemuel 110 
Marshall S. 164, 242 
Person, Benjamin 320 
Phillips, John 109 
William 111, 261 
Pickering, David 155 
Pierce, Lydia 266 
Pierpont, John 92 
Piper, Solomon 331 
Pitman, John H. 153 
John T. 173 

Polley, 125 

Pond, (Capt.) 197, 198 

Joshua 320 
Porter, A. 292 

Amelia S. (Towusend) 211, 

328 
Charles 211, 325, 328 



Porter, Fitz John 109, 219 
Powell, (Mrs.) 88, 100 
Powers, Mike 95 
Pownall, Thomas 25 

Pratt. 133 

William 325 
Prendergast, James M. 332 
Prescott, Edward 331 
Preston, Elisha 331 
Price, Henry 246, 332 
Henry &, Co. 331 

Proctor, 80 

Putnam, Charles A. 247, 332, 
Charles P. 229 
George 236 
Stephen 140 
Pyne, Louisa F. 274 

Susan 274 
Quigley, William II. 250 
Quincy, Josiah 124, 159 
Quirk, Margaret 86 

Randall, 147 

Raymond, Catherine M. 64 

Ephraim 55, 64 
Reill, (Lieut.) 183 
Rhett, Thomas G. 219 
Rhodes, Caroline M. (Braucli 
Eliza (Soule) 327 
George A. 327 
George W. 326 
James T. 122 
Peleg A. 326 
Rice, John P. 331 
Richard, Lawrence 178 
Richards, J. A. 247, 332 
Richardson, (Adjt.) 107 
Robinson, Enoch 63 
Rodman, Elizabeth 264 
Rogers & Sons 275 
Savols, John A, 106, 107 
Savels <Si Reynolds 105 
Saltonstall, Richard M. 332 
Sanford, Abigail 22 
Scott, Walter 285 
Winfield 271, 272 



)326 



346 



INDEX OF N A:\FKS. 



Searle, Nathaniel 89 
Sellers & Pennock 145 
Shannon, (Capt.) 28(» 
Sharp, Edward 331 

James 104 
Shaw, Jacob 3UJ 

Lemuel 331 

Oliver 150, 151 
Sheldon, William 122 
Shelly, Charles J. 197 
Shields, H. L. 219 
Shurtleff, N. B. 94 
Sigourney, Daniel A. 229, 247, 331 
Simes, Joseph S. 332 

William 332 
Simmons, D. A. 331 
Sissou, B., (Mrs.) 242 

Skinner, 132 

Slack, (Col.) 125 

David B. 327 

Susan W. (Jackson) 327 
Smith, 326, 329 

Amos D. 155, 173, 204, 320 

Arunah 314 

Daniel 85 

(Gen.) 205 

Harriet Spraguc (Gilbert) 320 

James Y. 122 

John 212 

Mary 327 

Samuel I. 155 

Sarah A. (P'ranklin) 32r> 

Turpin 154 

William Ileury 152 
Soren, John J. 333 
Soule, Eliza 327 
Spooner, Ann C. (Noyes) 325, 327 

Joshua 325, 327 
Sprague, Charles 159 

Edwin li. 332 

(;. I. 331 

Patience 212 
Spnrgeon, Charles II. 270 
Stall, Isaac 45 

William 44 



Stanley, Sally 35, 312, 313 
Stanwood, Eben C. 332 
Stead, Thomas J. 173 
Stearns, Jonathan P. 245, 331 
Stedman, John B. 198, 199 

Josiah 229, 240, 247, 331, 332 

W. M. 331 
Stevens, Benjamin 331 
Stiles, Fred. B. G. 299 
Stillwell, Frances 211, 327 

Mary 327 
Stimson, Abigail Morton (Clarke) 
325 

John Jones 80, 87, 98, 111-1 J3, 
110, 211, 220, 325 
Stimson it Hodges 113, 110, 118, 
119, 123, 127, 144, 140, 185, 220, 
227, 322, 325 
Stimson & Paige 227 
Stone, Dexter 134 

(Miss) 131 
Street, Nicholas 19 
Sumner, Charles 271 

Increase 20 
Sutton, — — 329 
Swan, AVm. B. 199 
Sweet, Joseph 184 
Taber, Oliver E. 122 
Taft, George 215 

Read 125 
Talcott, N. P. 218 
Taney, Koger B. 149 
Taylor, Zachary 237 
Thacher, Charles 245, 240, 332 
Thackeray, William Makepeace 
284 

Thaxter, 147 

Thayer, Sylvanus 218 
Thompson, John 245, 240, 331, 332 
Thorndike, Israel P. 331 
Tliornton, Louisa 328 
Thurber, Isaac 122 

Mary 211, 328 
Mary C. 328 
Tilden, Thomas 331 



INDEX OF NAMES. 



347 



TJllingliast, William J. 178 
Tingley, Samuel 152 

Sylvaniis 150, 152 
Tobey, (Dr.) 15)4 
Tolhurst, William II. 50 
Tompson, William 19 
Topliff, Samuel 331 
Townsend, Amelia S. 211, 325, 328 

J. P. 331 

William H. 150, 238, 241, 333 
Tveadwell, Sanford L. 248, 333 
Tree, Ellen 88 
Trow, Benjamin 42 

Israel 31G 
Tucker, A. & W. M. 2(51 

Alanson 229, 247, 332 

Benajah 45, 74 

Hezekiah 315 

W. M. 261 
Tuckerman, John 147 
Turner, La Prelate U. 247, 332. 333 
Tyler, John 162, 182 

John S. 107-109, 326 
Updike, Wilkins 207 
Van Buren, D. T. 219 

Martin 237 
Vanderbilt, Cornelius 127 

Jacob 127 
Vickery, Benjamin C. 333 
Victoria ((Jueen) 276 
Visner, Martin 276 

Volum, 69 

Von Weber, 275 

Vose, Ebenezer it Co. 331 

Josiah 331 
Wade, Edward E. 173 
Wadsworth, John A. 173 
Wainwright, Henry 331 
Waldo, Daniel 143 
Wales, Ebenezer 33 1 
Walker, Eleazer 56, 85, 139 

H. 60 
(Mrs.) 140 
Wallack, 88 

James William lOU, 145 



Wallack, Lester 145 
Walley, Samuel II. 259 
Walsh, Mike 192, 197 
Ware, Clarissa 328 

Leander M. 152 
Warlield, Sarah 225 
Warner, Oliver 294, 295, 297-299 
Warren, William 100 
Washington, George 41 
Waterman, Kufus 122 
Wayland, Francis 156, 194 
Webster, Daniel 161-164, 237, 272 
Weeden, Enos 11. 326 
Weld, Christopher Minot247. 261, 
331, 332 

Daniel 94, 99, 246, 331, 332 

Elizabeth (Rodman) 264 

Francis Minot 264 

Hannah 92 

John D. 226-228 

T. B. J. 219 
Welles, John 331 
Wells, Sarah Elizabetli 219 
Wessels, Benjamin F. 332 
West, Benjamin 331 
Wetherel, John 20 
Wetherell, Ebenezer 308. 309. 31 1 
Wheaton, F. L. 153 

Laban 39, 85 

Laban M. 110 
Wheeler, (Col.) 188, 190 
Wheeler * Wilson 270 
Wheelock, Godfrey 119 
Wheldon, Capt. 238 
Whipple, John 89 

William B. 173 
Whitaker, Josiah 154 

Mary 325 
White, J. A. 2(il 

Nicholas 20 

Warren 33 1 
Whitmore, Charles (). 2(ii) 
AVhitney, John 107 

Josiah & Co. 331 
Willard, Ilezekiali 182 



348 



INDEX OF NAMES. 



Williams, Abby ;;28 
Caroline E. 1)2, m 
David 321 
David Weld !t2 
(Jeorge Foster 92 
Ilajinah Weld 92, 'X, 
Hannah (Weld) 92 
Jason 147 

John D. 90-94, 96, lo4, ;!;]2 
John D. & M. 90-92, 98, 112, 158, 

:!31 
Laura L. 94 
Mary (Blake) 9;J 
Mary Elizabeth 92, 9:', 
Moses 90-94, 164, 174, 229, 246, 

247, 332 
Moses Blake 93, 174 
Roger 212 
Sarah Ann 92, 9:5 
Thomas 20, 331 



Williamson, 134 

Willis, Benjamin 321 
Wilson, John 19 

Winchester, 139 

Windsliip, Charles M. 241 
Winslow, A Imira 86, 303 

John 303 
Winsor, Ira B. 328 

Mary 212 

Mary C. (Thurber) 328 

Kobert 265 
Wiswall, Noah 308 
Wood, J. B. (Mrs.) 329 
Woodbury, Levi 149 
Woodward, Dr. 75 

Molly 65 
Worth, (Major) 106 
Worthington, Francis 331 

William 331 
Wyman, William 331 



INDEX OF SUBJECTS. 



Adams, John Q.. Letter of 28 
Albany, X. Y., 1>]5, 137, 140, 141, 
218, 219; Rockwell's Mansion 
House 140; State House 140 
Albemarle (Steamer) 134 
Anti-Masonic excitement 214 
Association for Suppression of 

Counterfeiting 254, 256 
Attleborough 82, 119, 124-126 
Barter prices in 1790-1819, 317, 318 
Blackstone Canal 171 
Boston: Ancient and Honorable 
Artillery 95; Boylston Insurance 
Co. 249, 330; Boylston Market 
249; Brattle Street Church 23(5; 
Brigade Band 1H2; Cadets 162, 
163; Cathedral of the Holy Cross 
93; City Guards, formed 105, 
their uniform and drills 109, 
ball at the Marlboro Hotel 110, 
parades 109, 159, 238; Cochitu- 
ate water celebration 237, 238; 
Columbian Museum 99; Earth- 
quake 231; Exchange Coffee 
House 159; Executions in 95; 
Federal Street Theatre 99, 100; 
First Church in 19, 20; Green 
stores 94; Handel and Haydn 
Society 99; Hollis Street Church 
92; Lafayette Hotel 249; Lan- 
cers 163; New England Galaxy 
99, 114; Reception to Lafayette 
159-161; Residence of J. D. Wil- 
liams 93, 94 ; Residence of Moses 



Williams 94: Second Church in 
19; "Sliver Heels" 104, 105; Suf- 
folk Light Inf'y 105; Theatres 
88, 99, 100; United States Hotel 
231, 243; Weekly Messenger 113, 
114; Winslow Blues 107. (See 
also Roxbury.) 

Braintree, First Church in 19 

Brooklyn, X. Y., 131, 134; City 
Hall 135; Xavy Yard 134; Tread- 
mill 135; Waterloo (harden 135 

Brown University 38, 66, 68, 156, 
160, 162, 185 

Bunker Hill Celebrations 160-164 

Canton viaduct 126 

Chancellor Livingston (Steamer) 
135 

Cholera and its ravages 241 

Clarke, Pitt, Theological opinions 
of 36 

Cold Friday in Xew England 74 

Dedham 124, 125; Turnpike 124 

Domestic life in old Xew England 
17. (See Xorton.) 

Dorr fans 208 

Dorr War, 121, 175-210, its causes 
176-181, its leaders 179, organi- 
zation of the " Foundry Legisla- 
ture" 181, Pres. Tyler asked to 
interfere 182, militia called out 
182, 184, first offensive move- 
ment 183, State Arsenal threat- 
ened 185, 188, attack on frustra- 
ted 188. Dorr escapes 190, Gov. 



350 



INDEX OF SUBJECTS. 



King offers a reward for his cap- 
ture 192, City (Tiiard regiment 
organized 194, troubles renewed 
195, camp on Acote's Hill 196, 
arrival of recruits 196, 197, a 
leader captured 197, tried and 
sentenced 198, disposition of 
State troops 199, the marcli to 
Chepachet 200, a zealous senti- 
nel 201, 202, insurgents' fort cap- 
tured 202. llight of Dorr 20;], 
excitement subsides 20-J, Dorr 
seeks to return to Rhode Island 
206, threatened with arrest 206, 
returns, is arrested and impris- 
oned 207, his prison life 208, 209. 
discharged 209, dies in obscurity 
210 
Earthquakes in Xew England 2ol 
Eclipse of the Sun, in 1806, 74 
Everett, Edward, Letter to 2S 
Fairfield, Conn., 129 
Fire-fly (Steamer) 87 
Frankford Arsenal lo2 
Franklin (seventy-four) l:]4 
P'ulliag Mill, described 48-51; its 

operation 50-53 
Goose brook 46, (50 
Harvard College 19, 38, 39, 23(i 
Hodges, Almon I)., Ancestry 19- 
22; Ancestry of his first wife 
211-213; Ancestry of his second 
wife 266; Birth 29; Boyhood days 
and school reminiscences 64- 
83; ''Old Jenny" 81, 82; Som- 
nambulic experience 75: Two 
run-aways 75, 76; Apprentice 
days 84; Takes a position with 
the Messrs. Williams in Boston 
91; Business life, early, in Bos- 
ton 90; Sugar exploit 96; His 
first marriage. Providence 211; 
Wedding tour 215, 216; His 
.second marriage 266; Business 
life in Providence 116-126, 144, 



146; Providence Co-partnership 
111-113; Dissolved 226, 227; Bus- 
iness life in Boston 226-228; 
Washington Bank 245-265, 330- 
336, becomes its President 228, 
resigns 262; His first grand- 
child 300; Closing years 301-305 ; 
As remembered by his children 
13, 15; Morning greetings 14; 
Tommy Red and Johnny Green 
15; Characteristic traits 221-223, 
252, 254, 269, 291: Begins a diary 
96; Duties of a Chief Marshal 
291; Interest in Genealogy 268; 
President of the N. E. Historic- 
Genealogical Society 61, 268; In- 
terview with an ex-banker 223; 
Interview with a " Friend '" 194, 
195; Church affiliations 223, 224, 
236; Religious views 304; Musi- 
cal tastes 149-152; Hears Jenny 
Lind, 243; Political offices 121, 
122; Political preferences 237, 
271, 272; Attends Whig conven- 
tions in Boston 163, 164; On 
committee to consider libera- 
tion of Dorr 207; Death 305; 
Death of his first wife 229, 241, 
242; Death of his step-daughter 
268; Death of his youngest son 
268; Home in Providence 216, 
230; Family life in Pi-ovidence 
211-225; Household expenses in 
Providence 224, 225; Home in 
Roxbury 13-15, 232-23(), 243; re- 
opened 267: Home (summer) in 
Portsmouth, R. I. ;!02, 303; Col- 
ored servants 224, 225; Military 
service in Boston 102-105; Aids 
in forming the City Guard 105; 
Military service in Rhode Island 
165-174, 189, 194, 105, 199, 204; 
Attitude in the Civil War 289- 
292; xiids in forming Roxbury 
Horse Guards 290, its comman- 



INDEX OF srjJ.IKCTS. 



351 



der 174, 290, 291; Four sons 
serve in tlie Civil War 292-300; 
Military commissions 108-170, 
291; Declines commission as 
Colonel and Brigadier-General 
Mass. Militia 174; Amusements 
99; Cambridge horse race 97; 
Cotillion parties in Providence 
148. 324-329; Describes a race 
115; Garden-plot in Ifoxbury 
234, 235 ; Holiday excursions 217- 
221; Law case in Lanesboro 142: 
Poetic effusion 114; Prevents a 
robbery 96; Reminiscences of 
Actors 99, 100. 145; Thanksgiv- 
ing festivals 2(39; Journeys: on 
a Hudson river steamboat 136, 
137, to Saratoga 138, 139, to 
Xew York, Philadelphia and 
return 128-143, to Boston in 
advance of Lafayette 158, to 
West Point 218, 219, to Nia- 
gara Falls 219, 220, to White 
Mountains 243, 244, to Europe 
274-288, itinerary 286, 288, vari- 
ous 272, 273; Walks from Bos- 
ton to Providence 101 

Hodges, Martha, Birth 211, an- 
cestry 211-213, wedding 211, her 
character 214, 215, her mother 
212-214, death 229, 241, 242 

Hodges, George Foster, Service in 
the Civil War 293, commissions 
294, 295; Tribute to his memory 
293 

Hodges, Jane H., Ancestry 266; 
Birth 267; Marriage 267; Char- 
acter 267-269. 

Hodges, Jonathan, Jr., Birth 25. 
death 84 ; Extracts from his Ledg- 
ers 54, 55, 308-318; His dye-stuffs 
51-53; His fulling mill 51-53, 79; 
His residence 58. 60; Household 
furniture 60, 61; Military ser- 
vice 26: Personal effects 57, 61, 



62; Kcsignatiou ul commission 
27; Revolutionary service 25, 57, 
58, 63 

Hodges, Jonathan, Sr., Badge of 
office 22; Commission 25: Con- 
fession of 22, 23; Specimens of 
his Ledger accounts 46, 47 

Hodges, Jonathan, 3d, An ingen- 
ious mechanic 28 

Hodges. Major Joseph, Silver- 
hilted sword 21 

Hodges. William T., Service in the 
Civil War 296. commissions 297. 
298, falls in battle at High 
Bridge 296 

Hodges Light Guard 29(i 

Holiday customs 95 

Home-guards in the Civil War 291 

Iron-smelting industries 38 

Jackson's Kitchen Cabinet 149 

Lafayette, Gen'l, Visit to Xew En- 
gland 156-161 

Legislator (Steamer) 134 

Leonard, George, Characteristics 
of 38 

Lexington (Steamer) 127 

Louisburg, Cape Breton 21 

Mansfield 82, 85; Band 82 

May Day processions 13 

Meti'opolitan Street Railroad 13, 
270 

Mexican War 2:17 

Middlesex Canal 95 

Militia trainings 82, 83 

Xew England Historic Genealogi- 
cal Society 268, 301 

Xew London, Conn., 127: Turn- 
pike 127 

Xew York city 123-127; Castle 
Garden 130; Chatham Garden 
Theatre 131; Hell-gate 130 

Xorton 21, 22, 25, 28-47, 57-60. 82, 
91,99, 101, 117,317-321: Artillery 
Co. 110; Barter prices 1790-1810, 
317-318; Business metliods in 



352 



INDEX OF SUBJECTS. 



32, 'S3; Country holiday customs 
S2, 83; Gilbert Tavern 85; 
Household fabrics 30, 31: Iron 
ore and nail-making 31, 32; Life 
and customs in 29-35; Meeting- 
house 41, 42, 57; Militia compa- 
nies 45, 57, 58, 110; Products 30- 
35; Prominent citizens in 38-41, 
57; Public buildings in 41-43; 
Schools and teachers 64-72, ;i01; 
School text-books 67, (58; School 
discipline 69 ; School exhibitions 
68, 70-72; Tax notification and 
warrants 319, 320; AVitch 41 
Old New England customs 30-35; 
Cost of pi-ovisions 33; Costume 
35; Favorite colors of dyei-s 35; 
Money and wages 32, 33; Panta- 
loons, Fashions in 35; Riding 
costumes of women 35; Social 
position 40, 41 ; Straw-bonnets, 
making of 31 
Pawtucket receives Lafayette 157 
Philadelphia 118, 132-134; Peale's 
Museum 134; Pratt's Garden 133 
Presidential election 1856, 274 
Providence, R. L, 31, 85-92, 98, 101, 
110-125, 144-157, 160, 162; Aeo- 
lian Society 150; Athenaeum 
156; Benevolent Cong'l Church 
89; Cadets 160, 182, 184, 185, 200; 
City Guard regiment organized 
194, service in the Dorr War 194, 
196, 200, 202, 204, 205; Cotillion 
parties 148, 324-329, gentlemen 
who attended 324-326, ladies 
who attended 326-328, caterer's 
bill 328, 329, surplus funds 329; 
Dexter Trainiug-tield 182. 187; 
Dorcas Society 148; Earthquake 
231: Federal Hill 183, 188, 190; 
First Baptist Church 144, 211, 
212; First Cong'l Church 154, 
216, 224; Fourth of July celebra- 
tions 153-156; (Jlobe Tavern 157 ; 



Horse Guards 162, 170, 173, 191, 
227, chartered 172, 290, first offi- 
cers 173; Hydraulion Fire Com- 
pany 145; India Point 126; La- 
fayette's visit 156, 157; Library 
156; Light Infantry 119, 120, 147, 
162, 166, 171, 182, 186, 189, 238; 
Marine Artillery 182, 185, 195; 
Miss Eddy's school 221; Mutual 
Fire Society 147; Philharmonic 
Society and its Concerts 150, 151 ; 
"Pig and Whistle" Club 149; 
Railroads 128 ; Rhode Island 
Association of Economical and 
Odd Fellows 153; Social amuse- 
ments 147, 148; State election 
89; Steamboats 127; screw pro- 
peller, first trip of 90; Theatre 
87 ; Visit of Pres. Monroe 87 ; 
Washington Hall 148; Washing- 
ton's Birthday 153; Weybosset 
Bank 120. (See also the Uorr 
War.) 

Providence (Steamer) 127 

"Prox" explained 206 

Roxbury 13, 94, 101, 100, 122, 124, 
125, 158, 232, 233, 235, 241-243, 
249, 266-270, 290, 291, 302; Brin- 
ley Place 106; Bugbee's Tavern 
101 ; Changes of value in Real 
Estate 232; Faxon's Hill 106; 
First Church in 19, 236; Horse 
Guards 174, 290, 291 ; Tommy's 
Rocks 13, 235 

San Francisco in 1849, 238, 239 

Snow-storm of 1867, 301, 302 

Stage-routes 123-127 

Stimson it Hodges, Abstract from 
books 322 

Suspension of specie payments 118, 
257, 262 

Taunton, 19-21, 28, 60, 77, 92, 101, 
120; Mormon Camp Meeting 164; 
Neck of Land Burying Ground 
in 21 



INDEX OF SUBJECTS. 



Walpole 101, 124, 125; Clapp's 
Tavern 215 ; Fuller's Tavern 158 ; 
Polley's Tavern 1(30 

Washington Bank 245-2()5, estab- 
lished 245, directors and other 
officers 246, 247, its building 

250, removes to State street 

251, salaries 253, joins Clearing 
House 25(), increases capital 256, 
locations occupied 256, 257, in 
panic of 1857. 257, suspends spe- 
cie payments 258, 259, resump- 
tion 258, 263, changes to national 
system 246, 260, 261, holdings of 
stockholders 260, 261, charter 
temporarily revived 261, the fire 



of 1872, 261, 2()2, panic of 1873, 
262, presidents 262-2(54, goes into 
liquidation 264, 2(55, prominent 
original shareholders 330, 331, 
officers from foundation 331- 
333, dividends paid, 334, 335, 
surpluses 335, 336. 

Washington, D. C, 85, 121, 292 

West Point 137, 218 

West Point Cadets visit Boston 
106, 107, 110; Ball at West Point 
218, 219 

Wheaton, Laban, Character of 39, 
40; Founder of Wheaton Female 
Seminary 40 

Yale College 38 



H 77 78 



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